natural sequence to the Orange Societies. To protect themselves against the excesses of the Orangemen, in the North of Ireland, the Catholics formed a counter-association, which subsequently degenerated into one of a political nature, held together by mystic ties, under the name of Ribbonmen one which, it is understood, is most inimical to the Government, and had so greatly increased, that it also could venture upon its insulting processions.

The remarks we have offered are meant to show, that unless it were wished to perpetuate in Ireland those feuds, which are its great bane, and to prevent the salutary influence of any anodyne which Government might wish to apply to its disordered state, Government had no alternative than to essay to put down, not the Catholic Association only-not it and Orange Lodges only-but all political combinations whatever opposed to the peace of the country. Accordingly, on Thursday, February 10, in the House of Commons, Mr Goulburn rose to ask leave to bring in a bill relating to unlawful Associations in Ireland; which gave rise to a debate more protracted and talented than any which, for a number of years, had occupied the attention of the House which embraced not only the merits of the Association, but the question of emancipation in all its bearings, as well as the general condition of Ireland; and which was watched by the public with the most anxious suspense.

The Catholic Association, Mr Goulburn observed, had now assumed a character calculated to deprive the country of that returning peace and prosperity of which it stood so much in need. There were two subsisting acts directed against such Associations: the Convention Act, passed by the Irish Parliament in 1793, and another of the session before last. The act of 1793 prohibited all assemblies for the ap

pointment or election of deputies, or which assumed in any manner to represent the people of that country. Parliament had now to deal with an Association which had carefully evaded the act of 1793. It was allowed by a gentleman opposite, that this body proclaiming itself self-elected, did, in fact, represent the Catholic population of Ireland. Was the law, he would ask, to be thus evaded? Was the existence of a body to be tolerated, which, to the plain common sense of every man, was intended to supersede the legal authorities of the land? From its commencement in 1823, it had unceasingly disseminated its proceedings. Its members stated in their first report, that they confined their labours to the Catholic question alone. It mattered little to him, whether this was their only object. It was enough for him to know, that whatever was their object, their means of furthering it were incompatible with good government. Another dangerous quality of this body was its indefinite duration. Imperfect as sometimes was the periodical control of the multitude, still it presented some control over other bodies: but this selfelected body continued without resorting to any fresh accession from the people. In this Association, there were certainly a few of the first class of the Catholic body-there were many disappointed individuals who sought personal aggrandizement, some of whom undoubtedly possessed considerable talents; their occupation was occasionally to discuss some real grievance, but more often to exaggerate some fancied

one.

There were also in the Association, surviving members of the Catholic Convention of 1798. There were men among those who had been rebels of old time, who had suffered the penalty of the law-men who were the friends of Tone, of Russell, and Emmett, traitors who had borne arms against the King's troops, when drawn out to oppose them. In this promiscuous as

all secret and illegal societies, and Whiteboy outrages" (hear, hear). And this was the doctrine infused into the great body of the Roman Catholics of Ireland! They were told to look upon the Orangemen with hatred! There was no possibility of taking the passage in any other sense. It must be inferred, therefore, that this was a principle upon which the Catholics were prepared to act if they could obtain power. The document, thus worded, was distributed throughout the country. Priests read it from the altars in preference to preaching a sermon. It was not so long since an association of this kind had existed, professing the same views-he alluded to the United Irishmen. Their object was Catholic Emancipation; but their subsequent proceedings proved that their covert intentions were rebellion and separation from this country. What, he might now ask, must be the consequence if Parliament did not interfere? Could they expect that the Protestant body, left to their own means for protection, would not constitute themselves into a counter-association (hear, hear)? Would they not be justified in assuming the same powers-in interfering in the like manner with the proceedings of the government, and of the courts of justice? They would be driven to this course in self-defence. The Association must be put down. Two years ago he had introduced a bill for the suppression of secret societies; and he believed that subsequent experience had proved its expediency. In many parts that bill had not only modified the proceedings of these societies, but in many instances the societies dissolved themselves, though they had perfectly legalized their proceedings. He proposed to extend the provisions of that act. He proposed to make all societies unlawful, whose duration was permanent, and which appointed committees to meet for above a certain

time, and levied or collected money. He proposed also to render illegal all affiliated societies, which excluded persons of any religious faith, and which took oaths otherwise than as directed by law. There would be exemptions of certain societies, which met for purposes connected merely with trade, agriculture, charity, and others of a harmless nature. The offence of belonging to such a society would be prosecuted by indictment alone; so that in cases of vexatious prosecutions, the Attorney-General might have an opportunity of interference.

The question having been put,

Mr J. Smith said, that when a great public measure was concerned, he could not rest satisfied with any details which came from the right honourable gentleman, unless they were borne out and corroborated by other authority. He should, on this occasion, take the course which had been adopted on others— he should call for evidence. The honourable member, adverting to the administration of justice in Ireland, quoted the observation of the late Lord Chancellor of Ireland (Redesdale), that there was one law for the poor, and another for the rich; and he added, that both were equally ill administered (hear, hear.)

Mr Abercrombie defended, at great length, the conduct of the Catholic Association.

Sir H. Parnell said, that among the numerous charges against the Catholic Association, the right honourable Secretary for Foreign Affairs had stated that there was no identification between that body and the Irish Catholics. He had denied it, in the name of the Catholics themselves. But the right honourable gentleman (Mr Goulburn) had taken great pains to show that the whole Catholic nobility, clergy and laity, were united with that body in feeling and opinion; thereby taking away the whole and only grounds

upon which his right honourable col league rested all his charges against them on the first day of the session. As to the legal proceedings of the Association, he was surprised that the heavy charges of the right honourable gentleman should have ended in two cases, in both of which he completely failed to substantiate his allegations. He must relate some cases in his turn. A quarrel between a Protestant and a Catholic was to be settled by a boxing match. The parties and their friends met; but the Protestants being provided with fire-arms, fired on the Catholics, killed one man, and wounded others. Notwithstanding this outrage, the magistrates refused to act. The whole business was on the point of being passed quietly over, like hundreds of similar cases, when the Association sent down an agent and a barrister to inquire into the transaction. The prisoners having been put upon their trials, the jury found a verdict of manslaughter; whereupon the judge assured the prisoners that they owed their lives entirely to the lenity of the jury. Another case in which counsel had been employed by the Association, was one relating to the misconduct of an officer of the police. This had excited much attention, as it was supposed to be a direct attack on the Government; yet the case was completely made out against the constable, and he was subsequently dismissed from his office. A third case occurred in the county of Cavan, in which there had been a riot and assault between an Orangeman and some Catholics. On that occasion, a Catholic counsel was sent down by the Association. A verdict passed in favour of the Catholics against the Orangeman, a circumstance scarcely to be met with throughout the annals of Ireland. Nothing could be more oppressive than the conduct of many justices of the peace in Ireland; and as far as the Association had lent their

aid to bring delinquent magistrates to account, all reasonable men approved their efforts. As to the Catholic rent, if the money were subscribed for indefinite or unknown purposes, he as well as others should have been inclined to suspicion; all suspicion, however, was removed by the regular accounts of the funds, and the appointment of comp. trollers. The right honourable gentleman had referred to the Convention Act, and had rested the foundation of his measure on the policy of preventing delegation. But the principle of preventing delegation was not the principle which the Legislature had acted upon in 1793. The principle on which it acted, at that period, was that of checking the progress of revolutionary principles. He thought the principle of delegation a constitutional principle. The Catholic delegates were presented to his late Majesty by Mr Dundas, and were graciously received. The opinion of Burke was favourable to the principle of delegation.

Mr Grattan express

ed similar opinions. He would put it to the House, whether, after having agreed in 1821 to repeal the penal laws affecting Ireland, they could now consistently pass this Bill against the Catholic Association? That Association was conducted by men of great talents; it had excited general attention to the Catholic claims, and had produced an unanimous feeling even in this country in favour of Emancipation. The right honourable gentleman had said that the measure was to be only temporary. Did he mean to say, that when this bill passed, the country should hear no more on the subject? Let the House recollect what had already happened in Ireland. The penal code had for a long time enfeebled the Catholic mind; but there now existed amongst the people a more accurate notion of their condition.

Mr L. Foster took that opportunity of expressing what he thought of the Catholic Association, which he did

at some length, and proceeded to ask, Was it right that an assembly should be suffered to represent the Protestants of Ireland as hostile to their Catholic countrymen? The effect of this conduct was to sow disunion amongst all parties, and fill the country with alarm. In a few days after the address of the Association was published, a rumour was spread that some personal mischief was intended on a particular day against the Protestants; and to such an extent did this belief prevail, that in several districts the whole male Protestant population remained up on the night in question, with loaded arms in their hands. This was particularly the case in Cloyne. Suppose that on the night in question a cottage had accidentally got on fire, might not a whole county have been involved in bloodshed by what these people would have considered as a retaliation for a supposed attack upon themselves? The expectation in which the rent was subscribed was, that some great spiritual advantage to their church would ensue. The success of the Catholic question would never satisfy this feeling. It was this which produced the readiness to contribute, and that extensive confidence in those who were trusted with the money. He said thus much of the effect of the Association upon the peasantry. With respect to the upper classes, there appeared in the Association a bold spirit of penetrating into the affairs of private life, which, in matters of public discussion, were usually spared, save only in periods of revolution. The gentleman who was believed to be hostile to them, was held up to odium in all his public and private relations. it necessary to point out the injurious effects of such a system? Another effect of the Association was, the power which it assumed with respect to elections. Was it fitting that a body, with L.50,000 a-year at its command, with all the influence of religion at its

Was

back, and with such means of annoyance as it possessed through the press, should name those who should, and denounce those who should not, be returned as Members of Parliament? It was said that the Association contributed materially to the present tranquillity of Ireland. He granted it; but the tranquillity was contingent upon the granting of what they sought. Ireland, however, possessed better guarantees for her internal tranquillity. British capital was daily infusing itself into that country, and the good effects of it were felt in every part of the island. It was only lately that many restrictions upon the trade of Ireland were removed. With their removal her resources increased. Formerly she was not allowed to export cotton. 1822, the first year after the removal of that restriction, she exported 17,000 yards. In 1823,she exported 2,700,000; and in 1824, more than 6,000,000 yards. The linen-trade was spreading its benefits over the southern and western parts of the island. Since the removal of the restrictions upon the export of Irish spirits, there had been an extraordinary increase in the distilleries. Another source of tranquillity was the excellent system upon

In

which the police was now esta▾ blished. But a main cause was the tithes' commutation law, from which the greatest benefits had resulted. He was not indisposed to give the Catholic Association credit for having been instrumental in this tranquillity; but it was the only power in that kingdom which was capable of interrupting the tranquillity which it had partly caused. A duplicate Parliament was a favourite scheme with the Irish. In 1782, the volunteer association summoned a convention at Dungannon. Those who returned representatives to that assembly were amongst the most intelligent of the Irish population, who, with muskets in their hands, exercised this elective franchise. In 1793 a convention was again summoned at Athlone,