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TO THE CANDID READER.

I HAVE often and heartily wished that I might not be distracted by, nor engaged into, polemic writings, of which the world is too full already, and from which many more learned and idoneous have abstained; and I did, accordingly, resolve that, in this controversial age, I should be slow to write, swift to read and learn. Yet there are certain preponderating reasons which have made me willing to be drawn forth into the light upon this subject; for beside the desires and solicitations of divers Christian friends, lovers of truth and peace, seriously calling upon me for an answer to Mr Prynne's Vindication of his Four Questions concerning excommunication and suspension, the grand importance of the Erastian controversy, and the strong influence which it hath into the present juncture of affairs, doth powerfully invite me.

Among the many controversies which have disquieted and molested the Church of Christ, those concerning ecclesiastical government and discipline are not the least, but among the chief, and often managed with the greatest animosity and eagerness of spirit, whence there have grown most dangerous divisions and breaches, such as this day there are, and for the future are to be expected, unless there shall be (through God's mercy) some further composing and healing of these churchconsuming distractions, which, if we shall be so happy as once to obtain, it will certainly contribute very much toward the accommodation of civil and state-shaking differences; and, contrariwise, if no healing for the church, no healing for the state. Let the Gallios of this time (who care for no intrinsical evil in the church) promise to themselves what they will, surely he that shall have cause to write with Nicolaus de Clemangis, a book of lamentation, de corrupto ecclesice statu, will find also cause to write with him de lapsu et reparatione justitiæ.

As the thing is of high concernment to these so much disturbed and divided churches, so the elevation is yet higher by many degrees. This controversy reacheth up to the heavens, and the top of it is above the clouds. It doth highly concern Jesus Christ himself, in his glory, royal prerogative, and kingdom, which he hath and exerciseth as Mediator and Head of his church. The crown of Jesus Christ, or any part, privilege, or pendicle thereof, must needs be a noble and excellent subject. This truth, that Jesus Christ is a king, and hath a kingdom and government in his church

distinct from the kingdoms of this world, and from the civil government, hath this commendation and character above all other truths, that Christ himself suffered to the death for it, and sealed it with his blood; for, it may be observed from the story of his passion, this was the only point of his accusation, which was confessed and avouched by himself, was most aggravated, prosecuted, and driven home by the Jews,† was prevalent with Pilate as the cause of condemning him to die, and was mentioned also in the superscription upon his cross." And although, in reference to God and in respect of satisfaction to the divine justice for our sins, his death was λúrgov, a price of redemption, yet, in reference to men who did persecute, accuse, and condemn him, his death was pagrúgion, a martyr's testimony to seal such a truth. This kingly office of Jesus Christ (as well as his prophetical) is administered and exercised, not only inwardly and invisibly, by the working of his Spirit in the souls of particular persons, but outwardly also, and visibly in the church, as a visible, political, ministerial body, in which he hath appointed his own proper officers, ambassadors, courts, laws, ordinances, censures, and all these administrations, to be in his own name, as the only King and Head of the church. This was the thing which Herod and Pilate did, and many princes, potentates, and states, do look upon with so much fear and jealousy, as another government co-ordinate with the civil. But what was upon the one side to them, hath been light upon the other side to those servants of Jesus Christ who have stood, contended, and sometime suffered much for the ordinance of church government and discipline, which they looked upon as a part of Christ's kingdom. So Bucerus, so Parker, so

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§ De Regno Christi, lib. 1, cap. 4.- Non defuerunt quoque intra hos triginta annos, præsertim in Germania, qui videri voluerunt justam evangelii prædicationem plane amplecti, &c. verum perpauci adhuc reperti sunt qui se Christi evangelio et regno omnino subjecissent: imo qui passi fuissent Christi religionem et ecclesiarum disciplinam restitui per omnia juxta leges regis nostri. Et infra. In Hungaria, gratia Domino non pauca jam existunt ecclesiae quae cum puta Christi doctrina, solidam etiam ejus disciplinam receperunt, custodiuntque religiose. Rex noster Christus faxit ut harum ecclesiarum exemplum quam plurimæ sequantur.

De Polit. Eccies., lib. 1, cap. 2.- Politeia ecclesiastica est pars regni Christi.

Mr Welsh, my countryman of precious memory, who suffered much for the same truth, and was ready to seal it with his blood. Beside divers others who might be named, especially learned Didoclavius in his Altare Damascenum, cap. 1, and throughout.

I am not ignorant that some have an evil eye upon all government in a nation, distinct from civil magistracy; and, if it were in their power, they would have all Anti-Erastians (and so, consequently, both Presbyterians and Independents) looked upon as guilty of treason, at least, as violators of, and encroachers upon, the rights and privileges of magistracy, in respect of a distinct ecclesiastical government. And, indeed, it is no new thing for the most faithful ministers of Jesus Christ to be reproached and accused as guilty of treason, which was not only the lot of Mr Calderwood and (as hath been now shown) of Mr Welsh, and those that suffered with him, but of Mr Knoxt before them, as likewise of many martyrs and confessors, and of the apostles themselves. Yet (if we will judge righteous judgment, and weigh things in a just balance) we do not rob the magistrate of that which is his, by giving unto Christ that which is Christ's. We desire to hold up the honour and greatness, the power and authority of magistracy, against Papists, Anabaptists, and all others" that "despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities." We do not compare (as Innocentius did) the civil and the ecclesiastical powers to the two great lights; that to the moon, this to the sun. We hold "it is proper to kings, princes, and magistrates, to be called lords and dominators over their subjects whom they govern civilly; but it is proper to Christ only to be called Lord and Master in the spiritual government of the church; and all others that bear office therein, ought not to usurp dominion therein, nor be called lords, but only ministers, disciples, and servants." acknowledge and affirm, that magistracy and civil government in empires, kingdoms, dominions, and cities, is an ordinance of God for his own glory, and for the great good of mankind, so that whoever are enemies to magistracy, they are enemies to mankind, and to the revealed will of God. "That such persons as are placed in authority are to be beloved, honoured, feared, and holden in a most reverend estimation, because they are the lieutenants of God, in whose seat God himself doth sit and judge." We teach "that not only they are appointed for civil policy, but also for maintenance of the true religion, and for suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever." We confess" that such as resist the supreme power, doing

We

• Mr John Welsh's Letter to the Lady Fleming, written from his prison at Blackness in Jan. 1616.-" Who am I that he should first have called me and then constituted me a minister of glad things, of the gospel of salvation, these fifteen years already, and now, last of all, to be a sufferer for his cause and kingdom, to witness that good confession, that Jesus Christ is the King of saints, and that his church is a most free kingdom; yea, as free as any kingdom under heaven, not only to convocate, hold and keep her meetings, conventions, and assemblies, but also to judge of all her affairs, in all her meetings and conventions, among his members and subjects! These two points, that Christ is the head of his church; secondly, that she is free in her government from all other jurisdiction except Christ's: these two points are the special cause of our imprisonment, being now convict as traitors for maintaining thereof. We have been waiting with joyfulness to give the last testimony of our blood in confirmation thereof, if it would please our God to be so favourable as to honour us with that dignity." Thus he.

Discourse of the Troubles at Francfort, first published in the year 1575, and reprinted at London in the year 1642, p. 37. Acts xvii. 6, 7. Jude 8.

§ Fr. a S. Clara Apolog. Episcop., cap. 2.

The Second Book of the Discipline of the Church of Scotland, c. 1.

that thing which appertaineth to his charge, do resist God's ordinance, and therefore cannot be guiltless. And, further, we affirm, that whosoever deny unto them their aid, counsel and comfort, whilst the princes and rulers vigilantly travel in execution of their office, that the same men deny their help, support, and counsel to God, who, by the presence of his lieutenant, doth crave it of them."* We know and believe "that, though we be free, we ought wholly, in a true faith holily to submit ourselves to the magistrate, both with our body, and with all our goods and endeavour af mind, also to perform faithfulness, and the oath which we made to him, so far forth as his government is not evidently repugnant to him; for whose sake we do reverence the magistrate." That we. ought to yield unto kings and other magistrates in their own stations, fear, honour, tribute, and', custom, whether they be good men or evil, as like“ wise to obey them in that which is not contrary to the word of God, it being always provided, that in things pertaining to our souls and consciences; re obey God only, and his holy word. We believe, that God hath "delivered the sword into the hands, of the magistrates, to wit, that offences may be, repressed, not only those which are committed against the second table, but also against the first."||'. We do agree and avouch, "that all men, of what dignity, condition, or state soever, they be, ought to be subject to their lawful magistrates, and pay unto them subsidies and tributes, and obey them in all things which are not repugnant the word of God. Also, they must pour out their prayers for them, that God would vouchsafe to direct them in. all their actions, and that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life under them, with all godliness and honesty." We teach that "it doth belong to the authority and duty of the magistrate, to forbid and (if need be) to punish such sins as are .committed against the ten commandments, or the law natural;" as likewise "to add unto the law natural some other laws, defining the circumstances of the natural law, and to keep and maintain the same by punishing the transgressors." We hold that "the laws of the realm may punish Christian men with death, for heinous and grievous offences." And "that it is lawful for Christian men, at the command of the magistrate, to bear arms, and to serve in just wars."** All these things we do sincerely, really, constantly, faithfully, and cheerfully yield unto and assert in behalf of the civil magistrate. So that the cause, which I now take in hand, doth not depress but exalt, doth not weaken but strengthen, magistracy. I do not plead against "the power of the sword," when I plead for "the power of the keys."tt. These two are most distinct, they ought not to be confounded, neither need they to clash or interfere between themselves. The controversy is not about taking from the magistrate what is his, but about giving to Christ that which is his. We hold a reciprocal subordination of persons, but a co-ordination of powers. "As the ministers and others of the

• The Confession of Faith of the Church of Scotland, art. 25.
The Confession of Helvetia, in the head of Magistracy.
The Confession of Bohemia, cap. 16.
The French Confession, art. 39.

§ The Confession of Belgia, art. 36.
The Confession of Saxony, art. 23.
Irish Articles of Religion, art. 61, 62.

+ Matt. xvi. 19; xviii. 18, which is meant of laying on or taking off church censure. August., tract. 50, in John, Si autem in ecclesia fit, ut quæ in terra ligantur in cælo ligentur, et quæ solvuntur in terra, solvantur in cælo: quiacum excommunicat ecclesia, in cælo ligatur excommunicatus: cum reconciliatur ab ecclesia, în cælo solvitur reconciliatus, &c.

ecclesiastical estate are subject to the magistrate civil, so ought the person of the magistrate be subject to the church spiritually, and in ecclesiastical government; and the exercise of both these jurisdictions cannot stand in one person ordinarily."* Again, "The magistrate neither ought to preach, minister the sacrament, nor execute the censures of the church, nor yet prescribe any rule how it should be done, but command the ministers to observe the rule commanded in the word, and punish the transgressors by civil means. The ministers exercise not the civil jurisdiction, but teach the magistrate how it should be exercised according to the word." The laws and statutes of Geneva do at once ratify the ecclesiastical presbyterial power of jurisdiction or censure, and withal appoint, that ministers shall not take upon them any civil jurisdiction, but where there shall be need of compulsion or civil punishments, that this be done by the magistrate.t Yea, under a popish magistrate (as in France), and even under the Turk himself, many churches do enjoy not only the word and sacraments, but a free church government and discipline within themselves, rectio disciplina libera, which is thought no prejudice to the civil government, they that govern the churches having no dominion nor share of magistracy. Vide D. Chytræi orat. de Statu Ecclesiarum in Græcia, &c.

I know well that there are other horrid calumnies and misrepresentations of presbyterial government, besides that of encroaching upon magistracy; but they are as false as they are foul. And although we go upon this disadvantage which Demosthenes (being loadened with a heavy charge and grievous aspersions by Æschines) did complain of, that, though by right, both parties should be heard, yet the generality of men do, with pleasure, hearken to reproaches and calumnies, but take little or no pleasure to hear men's clearing of themselves or their cause; and that his adversary had chosen that which was more pleasant, leaving to him that which was more tedious. Nevertheless I must needs expect from all such as are conscionable and faithful in this cause and covenant, that their ears shall not be open to calumnies, and shut upon more favourable informations. And, however, let the worst be said which malice itself can devise, it shall be no small comfort to me, that our Lord and Master hath said, "Blessed are ye when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely for my name's sake."S

I know also that a government and discipline in the church (the thing which I now undertake to plead for) is a very displeasing thing to those that would fain enjoy liberty, either of pernicious errors or gross profaneness. But (as Maimonides saith well) "we must not judge of the easiness or heaviness of a law, according to the affections and lust of any evil man, being rash (in judgment) and given to the worst vices, but according to the understanding of one who is most perfect among men, like unto whom, according to the law, all others ought to be," More Novechim, part 2, cap. 39. No marvel that the licentious hate that way wherein they shall find themselves hemmed in, if not hedged up, with thorns. And that they may

The Second Book of the Discipline of the Church of Scotland, c. 1. ↑ See the Laws and Statutes of Geneva, translated out of the French, and printed at London 1643, p. 9, 10.

De Corona, orat. 5, in initio.

§ In orat. contra Ctesiphontem.

Matt. v. 11.

Psalm ii. 3; Luke xix. 14.

the more flatter themselves in their sinful licentiousness, they imagine that Christ's yoke is easy, and his burden light, to the flesh as well as to the spirit, to carnal as well as to spiritual men. For my part, if I have learned Christ aright, I hold it for a sure principle, that in so far as a man is spiritual and regenerate, in as far his flesh is under a yoke; and in so far as he is unregenerate, in as far his flesh is sine jugo without a yoke. The healing of the spirit is not without the smiting of the flesh."*

When I speak of this divine ordinance of church government, my meaning is not to allow, much less to animate any in the too severe and over-strict exercise of ecclesiastical discipline and censures. It was observed by Jerome, as one of the errors of the Montanists: Illi ad omne pene delictum ecclesiæ obserant fores:† They shut the church door (that is, they excommunicate and shut out of the church) almost at every offence. I confess the greater part are more apt to fail in the defect than in the excess, and are like to come too short rather than to go too far. Yet a failing there may be, and hath been, both ways. The best things, whether in church or state, have been actually abused, and may be so again, through the error and corruption of men. The Holy Scripture itself is abused to the greatest mischiefs in the world, though in its own nature it serves for the greatest good in the world. The abuse of a thing which is necessary, and especially of a divine ordinance, whether such abuse be feared or felt, ought not, may not, prejudice the thing itself. My purpose and endeavour shall be (wherein I beseech the Lord to help my infirmities) to own the thing, to disown the abuses of the thing, to point out the path of Christ's ordinance without allowing either rigour against such as ought to be tenderly dealt with, or too much lenity towards such as must be saved with fear, and pulled out of the fire, or at all any aberration to the right or left hand.

I have had much ado to gain so many horæ subcisive from the works of my public calling, as might suffice for this work. I confess it hath cost me much pains, and I think I may say without presumption, he that will go about solidly to answer it will find it no easy matter. Subitane lucubrations will not do it. But if any man shall, by unanswerable contrary reasons or evidences, discover error or mistake in any of my principles, let truth have the victory, let God have the glory. Only this favour (I may say this justice) I shall protest for: First, That my principles and conclusions may be rightly apprehended, and that I may not be charged with any absurd, dangerous or odious assertion, unless my own words be faithfully cited from which that assertion shall be gathered, yea also without concealing my explanations, qualifications, or restrictions, if any such there be; which rule, to my best observation, I have not transgressed in reference to the opposites. Secondly, That as I have not dealt with their nauci, but with their nucleus, I have not scratched at their shell, but taken out their kernel (such as it is), I have not declined them, but encountered, yea sought them out where their strength was greatest, where their arguments were hardest, and their exceptions most probable; so no man may decline or dissemble the strength of my arguments, inferences, authorities, answers

Origen. in Lev., hom. 3.-Quid percutit? carnem. Quid sanat? spiritum. Prorsus ut illa deficiat, iste proficiat. Jerom. ad Marcellum.

and replies, nor think it enough to lift up an axe against the outermost branches, when he ought to strike at the root. Thirdly, If there be any acrimony, let it be in a real and rational conviction, not in the manner of expression. In which also I ask no other measure to myself than I have given to others. It is but in vain for a man to help the bluntness of reason with the sharpness of passion; for thereby he looseth more than he gaineth with intelligent readers; the simpler sort may peradventure esteem those ovlivníva, those despicable nothings, to be something, but then they are deluded not edified. Therefore let not a man cast forth a flood of passionate words when his arguments are like broken cisterns which can hold no water.

If any replier there be of the Erastian party, who will confine himself within these rules and conditions, as I do not challenge him, so (if God spare me life and liberty) I will not refuse him. But if any shall so reply as to prevaricate and do contrary to these just and reasonable demands,

I must (to his greater shame) call him to the orders, and make his tergiversation to appear.

I shall detain thee (good reader) no longer. The Lord guide thee and all his people in ways of truth and peace, holiness and righteousness, and grant that this controversy may (I trust it shall) have a happy end to the glory of God, to the embracing and exalting of Jesus Christ in his kingly office, to the ordering of his house according to his own will, to the keeping pure of the ordinances, to the advancing of holiness, and shaming of profaneness, and finally to the peace, quiet, well-being, comfort, and happiness of the churches of Christ. These things (without thoughts of provoking any either public or private person) the searcher of hearts knoweth to be desired and intended by him who is

Thine, to please thee,

for thy good to edification.

GEO. GILLESPIE.

AARON'S ROD BLOSSOMING.

THE FIRST BOOK.

OF THE JEWISH CHURCH GOVERNMENT.

CHAPTER I.

THAT IF THE ERASTIANS COULD PROVE WHAT THEY ALLEGE CONCERNING THE JEWISH CHURCH GOVERNMENT, YET IN THAT PARTICULAR THE JEWISH CHURCH COULD NOT BE A PRECEDENT TO THE CHRISTIAN.

OBSERVING that very much of Erastus's strength, and much of his followers' confidence, lieth in the Old Testament, and Jewish church, which, as they aver, knew no such distinction as civil government and church government, civil justice and church discipline,-I have thought good, first of all, to remove that great stumbling-block, that our way may afterward lie fair and plain before us. I do heartily acknowledge, that what we find to have been an ordinance, or an approved practice in the Jewish church, ought to be a rule and pattern to us, such things only excepted which were typical or temporal, that is, for which there were special reasons proper to that infancy of the church, and not common to us. Now if our opposites could prove that the Jewish church was nothing but the Jewish state, and that the Jewish church government was nothing but the Jewish state government, and that the Jews had never any supreme sanhedrim but one only, and that civil and such as had the temporal coercive power of magistracy (which they will never be able

to prove), yet there are divers considerable reasons for which that could be no precedent

to us.

First. Casaubon (exerc. 13, anno 31, num. 10) proves, out of Maimonides, that the sanhedrim was to be made up, if possible, wholly of priests and Levites; and that if so many priests and Levites could not be found as were fit to be of the sanhedrim, in that case some were assumed out of other tribes. Howbeit I hold not this to be agreeable to the first institution of the sanhedrim. But thus much is certain, that priests and Levites were members of the Jewish sanhedrim, and had an authoritative decisive suffrage in making decrees, and inflicting punishments, as well as other members of the sanhedrim. Philo, the Jew (de vita Mosis, p. 530), saith, that he who was found gathering sticks upon the Sabbath, was brought ad principem et sacerdotum consistorium, ἐπὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα ᾧ συνήδρευον μὲν ἱερεῖς, that is, to the prince or chief ruler (meaning Moses), together with whom the priests did sit and judge in the sanhedrim. "Jehoshaphat did set of the Levites, of the priests, and of the chief of the fathers of Israel, for the judgment of the Lord," &c. 2 Chron. xix. 8.

Secondly. The people of Israel had God's own judicial law, given by Moses, for their civil law, and the priests and Levites instead of civil lawyers.

Thirdly. The sanhedrim did punish no

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