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freedom of navigation in all territorial waters is given to naval and mercantile marines of allied powers.

2. All naval and marine prisoners of war of Allied and associated powers to be returned, without reciprocity.

3. Surrender to Allies and U. S. of 160 submarines. All other submarines to be

paid off, disarmed and placed under supervision of U. S. and Allies.

4. The following surface vessels to be surrendered: six battle cruisers, ten battleships, eight light cruisers, fifty destroyers of most modern type. All other surface warships to be concentrated in German naval bases designated by Allies, and placed under supervision of Allies and U. S. All vessels of auxiliary fleet to be disarmed.

5. All mines and obstructions laid by Germans outside German territorial waters

(this means the German war zone) to be swept away by help of Germans.

6. Freedom of access to Baltic sea to be given to naval and merchantile marine of Allies and U. S., with their right to occupy. German fortifications to guarantee same, and right to sweep all German territorial waters, with German aid.

7. Allied blockade of Germany to continue and all German ships at sea liable to cap

ture.

8. All naval aircraft to be concentrated and immobilized in German bases specified by Allies and U. S.

9. In evacuating Belgian coast and ports Germany shall abandon all merchant ships,

tugs, lighters, cranes and harbor materials, and inland navigation materials, stores and supplies of all kinds.

10. All Black Sea ports to be evacuated by Germany, all Russian war vessels seized

by Germany to be handed over to Allies and U. S.

11. All Allied merchant vessels to be restored No destruction of ships or materials before evacuation, surrender or restoration. 12. German notification to world (especially Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Holland) that all restrictions on trading with Allies and associated countries, are removed.

13. No transfer of German shipping to any neutral after signature to armistice. VI. Duration of armistice, 30 days, with option to extend.

VII. Limit for German reply to armistice terms

-72 hours.7

The above, therefore, were the conditions that Germany accepted to gain an armistice, a mere cessation of hostilities-not peace.

A brief perusal of the above, and a comparison of the armistice terms imposed upon the Central Powers individually will reveal the fact that those Germany was obliged to meet were the most drastic of all, as indeed they should be. Moreover, they were the most specific and humiliating in all history; and came only four months after the Kaiser boasted last July of German victory and the "shining German sword," as he was sacrificing 500,000 more of his sub

'Slight changes were made in several of these armistice conditions before they were finally signed by the official German delegates, but were of a technical and very minor character, and did not at all alter the nature or severity of their application.

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jects in a struggle that every people but his own by that time realized was a hopeless one for him and all he stood for. ed b Thus ends the "divine right" rule of the Hohenzollerns, and seize the "divinity that doth hedge about a king."

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The peace problem is quite a different issue. We shall take it up in our next chapter, and continue, as the peace conference sits. Yet, there are several clauses in the armistice terms that are meant to be permanent, such for example, as the giving up of Alsace-Lorraine by Germany, the boundary marked out between Italy and the former States of the Austrian empire, the renunciation of Constantinople by Turkey, reparation for damages done, abandonment of all German official propaganda in Russia and the Brest-Litovsk treaty, etc. The exactness of the armistice terms and the permanent character of several of them, as well as the promptness with which they were submitted to the German commissioners after their application for them on November 7, shows that the men who framed them and the responsible statesmen back of them, had been shaping them for some time before hostilities ceased. Their effect therefore was instant.

CHAPTER XVI

OFFICIAL PEACE DISCUSSIONS AND NEGOTIATIONS

WHILE

HILE we are awaiting the final consummation of the armistice conditions and the preliminaries of peace, we may well give our attention at this time to the study of the movements for peace up to the present. Accordingly, we shall take up these developments, as shown by the statements of war aims of the belligerents by the official representatives of those belligerents, or from semi-official sources. This will also include peace proposals from neutrals, as well as the principles of peace and peace terms, set forth from time to time by the United States and the allied nations, and by the Central Powers.

Aside from the above movements there have been various efforts at peace, it is true, such as the peace propaganda by the Socialists, certain German-Americans, the Pan-German peace campaign, the "peace at any price" clique, etc.; but these latter have all been so ill-advised, so absurd, or so unAmerican and abortive, that we need not consider them in this connection. Moreover, the crises in which they figured have all passed, and we may let that phase of the subject rest in oblivion. There is one outgrowth of these factors that will not rest, however, but has constantly become more menacing, -and that is, the Bolshevik movement in Europe and the principles of the I. W. W. in America. This condition among a considerable portion of the earth's people today is nothing less than a mental state and the philosophy of anarchy, and as such it must be met and put down. This state of anarchy is the other extreme from autocracy, and because it is actually being accomplished in governmental affairs in

Russia and threatening the other nations, must be met, if necessary, by force, and speedily suppressed. We shall have more to say of this lawless element later, but at present, let us return to our subject in hand.

We are all rejoicing beyond our fondest hopes, at the happy termination of the war, the armistice conditions, and the political revolution in Germany since November 11, as it is natural and right we should be. But a word of warning is still in place, and indeed necessary, from the very fact that the war was over before many of us had fully grasped what it meant. There are still so many of us who have not realized the true nature of this war, and the significance of the issues involved, and the character of the government and political ideals of our chief adversary, that there is still danger of this country settling back into pre-war conditions and habits of thinking, and yielding up important international prestige and guarantees that alone can safeguard the principles of democracy in the future. The war for democracy as intelligent Americans understand it, is not yet won, despite the defeat of the military masters of Germany. No greater mistake could be made than to think

So.

The real fight that affords the opportunity for the demonstration of democracy to the world, has just begun. We can, we must, make our final peace only with the legally and justly constituted representatives of the German people, not with any temporary revolutionary faction. We must know that these representatives have the unquestioned right and the unquestioned power to speak for the German nation as a whole, whatever that may prove to be. And the only way to be sure of that, is to act for final peace when, and not until when, the German people, in a legal and democratic manner, have elected and established a democratic government with duly chosen delegates to speak for them in the peace conference of the nations. This demand is not vengeance on a defeated foe, it is simply justice and common sense. Germany has done much since the close of hostilities to further

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