trayal of the Russian people by the German agents, Lenine and Trotsky; that a German-picked commander was chosen to 'defend' Petrograd against the Germans; that German officers have been secretly received by the Bolshevik government as military advisers, as spies upon the embassies of Russia's allies, as officers in the Russian army and directors of the Bolshevik military, foreign and domestic policy. They show, in short, that the present Bolshevik government is not a Russian government at all, but a German government acting solely in the interests of Germany and betraying the Russian people, as it betrays Russia's natural allies, for the benefit of the Imperial German government alone."

Not only did the Allied countries and United States suspect all this treachery and later find it out for a fact, but there were even Germans who admitted it. "A German politician, writing in the Vienna Arbeiter-Zeitung of Aug. 27, 1918, stated: "We have brought about treaties of peace at Brest and Bucharest (with Roumania) which correspond to our interest, but not to our principles as we presented them in the peace offer."—War Information Series 21, p. 26.

The Final Developments Before the Armistice

On July 4, 1918, President Wilson reiterated his statement that there could be no peace while the Imperial German Government, which was responsible for the war, remained in power. And he laid down the "ends for which the associated peoples of the world are fighting and which must be conceded them before there can be peace:

(1) "The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of the world; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed, at least its reduction to a virtual impotence.

(2) "The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of politi

cal relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.

(3) "The consent of all nations to be governed in their conduct toward each other by the same principles of honor and respect for the common law of civilized society that governs the individual citizens of all modern states in their dealings with one another; to the end that all promises and covenants may be sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a mutual trust established upon the handsome foundation of a mutual respect for right.

(4) "The establishment of a League of Nations that will check every invasion of right—affording a tribunal—to which all must submit, and by which every international readjustment that cannot be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly concerned, shall be sanctioned."

In his New York address of Sept. 27 (1918), the President once more declared that he could not make peace with the governments of the Central Empires on any sort of bargain or compromise whatsoever, since we cannot accept their word for anything. In this address he speaks more definitely and in detail on the matter of a League of Nations. Without reserve he declares that the League must be formed the -not before nor after the peace is made, but in peace council itself; also, that the League is the "most essential part of the peace settlement itself." And, as we all know, he won his point in the Peace Council at Versailles by having the constitution of the League drawn up as the very first permanent work of the Conference. Whether the necessary two-thirds majority of the United States Senate ratifies this constitution or not, the evidence throughout the world at present is, that the peoples of the nations are looking

forward with confidence that the League of Nations will be established as a remedy for war in the future.

The President throws still further light upon his conception of the League of Nations by the following "particulars" which he states in this same (Sept. 27) speech:

(1) "The impartial justice meeted out must involve no discrimination between those to whom we wish to be just and those to whom we do not wish to be just. It must be a justice that plays no favorites..

(2) "No separate or special interest of any single nation or group of nations" can be made if such "is not consistent with the common interest of all.

(3) "There can be no leagues or alliances or special covenants and understandings within the general and common family of the League of Nations.

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(4) ... No special, selfish, economic combinations within the League and no employment of any form of boycott or exclusion except as the power of economic penalty by exclusion from the markets of the world may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of discipline and control.

(5) "All international agreements and treaties of every kind must be made known to the rest of the world."

As has been pointed out by several students of President Wilson's speeches, his program for the peace of the world is found in his fourteen points of January 8, 1918, his four points of July 4, and his five points of September 27, 1918, (just noted above). These three pronouncements, taken together, are known as his twenty-three peace points.

Analysis of President Wilson's Program

We shall now make a brief analysis of the above twentythree points, as enunciated by President Wilson. Some he has repeated, expounded, or enlarged upon a number of

times. Others he has modified somewhat, due to fundamental political changes in the governments or political conditions in the Central Powers; but, in their spirit and in their essentials these points remain the same. We may state their essence as follows:

1. A peace must be built up on the principles of international law and of humanity.

2. There must be a World League to enforce peace. 3. The peace must not be in the interest of any particular nation or group of nations, but must be in

the common interest of all, large and small states alike.

4. This peace must win the approval of the people of the nations of the major force of mankind.

5. It must be built upon the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed-a democratic peace.

6. There must be freedom of the seas for all nations, great and small.

7. There must be a limitation of military and naval armaments, "of all kinds of military preparation.'

8. There must be a reunited and independent Polandalong the line of nationality.

9. Alsace-Lorraine must be returned to France. (His statements amount to this.)

10. Italy must receive Italian provinces of the Trentino and Trieste (Italia Irredenta), in so far as these regions are unquestionably Italian.

11. All German occupation and political domination in any part of former Russia must cease (i. e. as Russia was in 1914).

12. There should be no exclusive economic leagues in favor of, or against, any nation or group of nations, after the war.

13. There must be absolutely no secret treaties, covenants

or international agreements between any nations or group of nations, but all treaties, etc., must be published to all the world.

14. Open minded and impartial adjustment of all colonial claims must be secured, with the interests of the peoples concerned uppermost in mind. (This developed into a mandatory for the German colonies, and perhaps others, in the League of Nations.) 15. Restoration of Belgium, with full sovereignty, and reparation, by Germany.

16. Peoples of Austria-Hungary must be given autonomy -self-government. (This was changed later to complete independence for Czecho-Slavs and JugoSlavs, after President Wilson recognized their independence; and he made the acceptance of this change a condition of acceptance of an armistice with Austria-Hungary.)

17. Roumania, Serbia and Montenegro must be left to determine their own future, and Serbia must be accorded "free and secure access" to the Adriatic. All the Balkan states' differences must be settled along "historically established lines of allegiance and nationality."

18. Turkish portions of the Ottoman empire should be left for the Turks, unmolested; but in parts where non-Turkish populations predominate such peoples should be given complete self-government within their provinces.

19. Specifically, there must be no bargaining of nations at the peace table,-one nation granting another some such advantage in order to secure a corresponding advantage for itself, etc., but each part of final settlement based on the "essential justice of that particular case.”

20. That all well-defined national aspirations be accorded the utmost satisfaction possible without adding new