points, such as Constantinople, Gibraltar, the Suez and Panama canals, etc. That these places be dismantled and internationalized is one of the strong demands that will be brought upon the parliament of the world at the conclusion of this war. This all is a gigantic task, however, and may not be accompanied in the near future.

There has also been a certain degree of necessity in these economic wars, especially on the part of some peoples. Repeatedly have nations felt it necessary, because of the overweening ambitions of others, to engage in war, under pain of being reduced to an inferior position among the states of the world. Besides Belgium in this war, Denmark, China, some of the Barbary States, and the South African republics may be cited as examples in recent times. Under pretext of defending its flag, its citizens or its interests, a European nation has taken advantage of the occasion to establish itself and extend its power and control gradually. It was indeed a surprise to the world that the United States did not do this thing in the case of Cuba in 1898, and again, in Mexico more recently. The general result, however, has been to supplant a backward and most unprogressive civilization with a progressive, more enlightened, sanitary and democratic one; and this result is at least gratifying. It is remarkable, for instance, that the Boers of South Africa have so loyally and with so very little friction supported England in this war, against their kindred, the Germans. The explanation lies in the fact that Great Britain has given them self-government, with more efficient administration, has taught them democracy, and they are far more prosperous than they were under the old regime. This is not to argue, however, that the end justifies the means. We may add in passing also, that we have been guilty of the same conduct toward the American Indians that the European nations have been toward the untutored and backward peoples of the Old World.

With regard to our fifth cause, racial domination in a

composite union, we may say that it is one of the greatest crimes, of which governments and rulers have been guilty in the past. In most instances it is one of the basest forms of slavery, and has scarcely any justification whatever. There can never be world peace so long as an alien race or nationality, with different ideas, ideals and political instincts and institutions, lords it over a subject people, simply because chance and might, or physical force, have triumphed over justice and humanity. The world can never breathe freely until the Polish people get their freedom and independence, as do the various peoples of Austria-Hungaryand are free to gravitate to those states or confederations to which they by race and right belong. Turkey must leave Europe, where she never has had a right to be. Turkey is not a nation in the true sense, anyway, and never has been. She has no right to exist, for she has ever existed unnaturally, by criminal subjection of peoples who otherwise would long have been free, and arbiters of their own destinies. there ever was a chimerical state it has been the Ottoman Empire. Its whole history has been one of cruelty, rapine and murder.

If

Our sixth cause, national or race hatred may also be disposed of rather briefly. To the desire for revenge has been attributed by many, and perhaps justly, the greater part of wars. The German kaiser was right in part at least, when he said that this present conflict has its basis in the Europe of the past centuries. Nations, no more than individuals can violate the laws of justice and right without at later times having to pay most dearly for these violations. Like individuals, "the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children to the third and fourth generation," and on, and on, until the wrongs inflicted are fully atoned for. It is hard to forgive and forget great crimes. Nor is there so much virtue in forgetting as we are sometimes wont to believe. It is Christian and wise to forgive, but it is not always wise to forget. Particularly is this true in interna

tional affairs. To forget the past is to fail to understand the present and to read the future. In the study of the history of mankind, this distinction needs to be made clear and appreciated. We can safely forget only when to forget is to further the cause of liberty, as in the case of our past relations with England, and the troubles of our own civil conflict. We can forget in the case of England because we know that the England of a powerful aristocracy and "divine right” monarchs is no more. For the same reason we should have known and remembered the principles and conduct of the present kaiser and government of Germany. It is a sad fact that in the past the nation that has not been able to return evil for evil has been doomed to disappear from among the independent nations of the world. Let us hope that such a thing in the future cannot be. It is a terrible test of our faith, in the midst of the present whirlpool of horror; but when faith is lost, all is lost. In ancient times, among the uncivilized peoples, even by scriptural injunction, it was "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth"; but when the world is "made safe for democracy" the principles of Christ can reign in the nations as well as in the hearts of men. Poor Belgium, poor Belgium! What a comment on our Christian civilization! The time must come when the innocent cannot be made to suffer for the sins of the plunderers of justice and virtue, for the crimes of the privileged parasites of the human kingdom.

In considering our seventh cause, i. e., the growth of nationality, we note that the present German empire was built upon a series of wars none of which was really justifiable, and Germany today is paying the price of her past perfidy-that of the founders of her empire. The union of Germany would indeed have been delayed to a later generation, but who dare say she would not have been better for the delay? It would have been a Germany of democracy, no matter how long delayed, if it had been allowed the natural course of development. In taking Schleswig-Holstein Bis

marck was thinking of German imperial interests, not of the true interests of those provinces, much less of the interests of Denmark whom he robbed of them. Shortly after, he showed his perfidy by driving Austria out of Germany and German affairs, in the "Six Weeks War," just after he had persuaded her to help him conquer Denmark and take from her the two provinces, with the tacit understanding that the booty was to be divided between the two victors, Austria to have her full share. It is likewise well known that Bismarck was courting war with Louis Napoleon of France, in 1870, and that his mutilization of the telegram of the king of Prussia to France was the occasion of France declaring war. In other words, he tricked Napoleon and the government of France into declaring the war which he (Bismarck) desired. Nor did the "Iron Chancellor" conceal to his people the fact that he proposed to create a German empire on the principle of "blood and iron." That was his gospel for Germany. We know how dangerous to the peace and safety of the world it is for the government or people of a great country to revert to the war instinct, to become militaristic, in the sense that Germany has been since the time of Frederick the Great. The war spirit is the most violent of emotions, and in its desperation is much akin to insanity! On the pretext of nationality there have always been certain nations that have had a predilection for the life of war-different peoples (led by their rulers) at different times. At one time it was Rome; at another, Spain; at another time France, under Louis XIV; at another, Italy. For more than fifty years it has been Germany, led by Prussian autocracy. How well, how thoroughly, how efficiently have the German people obeyed that gospel! Even their most wonderful arts of peace have been made to contribute to that end, instead of to the far nobler, disinterested end of charity for the whole world. "Gott straffe England" is the gospel of hate, not of patriotism— of hate in its most malignant form, and obedience to that

gospel is the explanation of the many outrageous acts of barbarism-the atrocities of Germans-of which we hear so much, and with which we are so familiar, today. But "Gott straffe England" was only the beginning. "Gott straffe democracy" is the true purpose and watchword today; and that means the United States of America, first and foremost of all, for America is first and foremost in democracy.

The other great struggle for nationalism in the past century, namely, the unification of Italy, which is still going on, we need comment upon but very briefly. While it has not been unmixed with injustice on Italy's part, no such crimes can be laid at the feet of Victor Emmanuel, Cavour and Garibaldi as at the feet of the leaders for an imperial Germany. On the other hand the history of Austria, the arch-enemy of Italian freedom in the past century, is even worse than that of Germany. And now, that the whole world is reaping the fruits of these past wrongs, it must be a liberty washed in blood that is to rise upon the ruins of the past. One of the fondest hopes of the best servants of the world at present is, that this great catastrophe may be bringing near the end of the era of selfishness and of might.

In considering the "balance of power" as a cause of war, we find that it has contributed to wars in Europe for centuries past; that it has its weight in the present war, and is dangerous for the future until, or unless the results of the present conflict and coming peace give guarantees that will obliterate the natural distrust of states and peoples for each other, together with the disturbance of peace and prosperity throughout the world.

Our ninth cause, imperfection of government is so evident that it may be passed over with but a word of comment. It is in general only small and weak nations, or those in a more or less violent state of transformation of government, that are prey to the exploitation of war. Portugal and perhaps Spain have happily recovered from that state within the past and present generations, but there is no