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immediate hope for Mexico, nor for the new Russian states. The present allied intervention will bring its political results only after years. The military object, of course, may be gained soon and Russia saved from Germany, but, after that, it will take her generations to find herself.

The desire to secure natural boundaries, always strong, but more so if those boundaries have once been held, is one of the great causes for several countries engaging in war, even in the present war-as in the case of Italy, Russia, Bulgaria, Serbia and to some extent others. Not that this was the only cause with any of them; but it was a great, if not controlling, motive. After France was plunged into the strife, of course she desired Alsace-Lorraine, as a better natural barrier against Germany, together with other reasons which are well known, chief among them being the race hatred, national feeling, and the keenest desire for revenge upon Germany for taking those provinces in 1871. Many unnatural boundaries must be wiped out at the conclusion of this world conflict, and a new map of the Eastern world made in the adjustment.

Wars arising from trade rivalry in their essentials have already been discussed above, and may be passed over here.

Wars of conquest and of the ambition of leaders next claim our attention. Facts already considered make it appear that the nations in the past have lived chiefly on the principle that might makes right. The study of wars of conquest makes this conviction all the stronger. By this we are able to see how far as nations, up to the present war at least, we have been from the principle of peace and honor that we have been accustomed so much to talk about. With this realization many illusions, and many theories and fond hopes vanish. We are just beginning to take the world as it is to understand it and frame our future plans upon that basis. It is a striking thing to note that, until recent times the right of conquest was never brought in question. That it has been condemned in modern times, however, is

proof of the value of our civilization. In these dark hours of trial we should keep this fact in mind; it carries a message of hope for mankind. Until recently, the act of conquering was appreciated as one of the very highest of human activities, and the greatest warriors were the greatest statesmen. The literature, particularly the poetry, of the middle ages, was replete with the exploits of the military heroes. Force was desired by the state, with very few exceptions among the ancient and medieval peoples, above everything else. Let us be thankful we have gotten beyond that stage, and that the disturbers of the world's peace, notwithstanding their frantic efforts to justify their actions and to shift responsibility, nevertheless stand condemned before the judgment bar of humanity! The ambition of a leader singly, can never again bring on a great war, nor has one ruler alone been able to, for a hundred years past.

Great navies and standing armies are contributing causes only when other causes are back of them. Yet, we must see, as a result of this war, that great standing armies are abolished forever. This is imperatively necessary, not only to guarantee peace, but to enable the nations to pay off their tremendous war debts. At the rate that the armies and navies were building in Europe previous to this war, the whole continent would have been bankrupt in another generation, even without war. How necessary it is then, that those expensive and crushing burdens upon the peoples be done away with, or lowered to the very minimum-to the extent that their expense shall be small, as compared with the arts of peace!

The fourteenth cause listed above, namely, the suppression of democratic and revolutionary movements of the peoples, which has been a leading cause in the past, and has proven the perfidy of princes, is bound to decrease and vanish, as the cause of democracy grows and finally triumphs throughout the world. The long and patient struggle of the people is at last to be rewarded. It has taken thousands of years

to develop democracy on earth, but now she is coming to her own, and the days of kingly power and oppression are numbered. To appreciate this fact, and to remember the principle for which we struggle to keep our patience in this generation, it is necessary that we see events in terms of centuries, and great movements in terms of the great ages and stages of evolution of man's civilization, in eras as God counts them, in their true perspective and as they are.

The desire for political freedom and democracy on the part of the people, is of course the other side of the struggle represented by the cause given immediately above, and cannot be considered wholly apart from it. Suffice it to say here that this struggle has been going on in modern times from the outbreak of the English revolution of 1642 to the present time, is now at its greatest height, and will continue for ages to come, though unaccompanied in its last stages, we fondly hope, by the maelstrom of war.

The last cause-to uphold the principles of international law and justice and the solemn obligations and treaties of nations-is, with the last above named, the greatest contribution of the United States of America to the world.

CHAPTER V

PRETEXTS AND EXCUSES FOR WAR-SOME ILLUSIONS

ATIONAL honor is sometimes made a pretext for war; it is also sometimes a real cause. The civilized world has never expected a nation to suffer the outrages of a foreign State, especially if they occur repeatedly. The United States has only followed a long-standing precedent in this respect. The American government and people showed a forbearance that was remarkable before entering the war against Germany. Critics of our government's course would do well to remember this fact. Several other nations would have refused to suffer what they have suffered, and would have gone to war, if they had been strong enough. The fate of Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia and Roumania has terrorized them into maintaining a technical peace. Nothing is more precious to a State than the respect for her personality, her honor, her sense of fair play. It is with nations as with individuals in this particular. If the United States, after her stand for the right of neutrals and for humanity, had done less than follow up her professions by war, she would have been considered the world over as vascillating and cowardly, as materialistic and selfish, and would have hindered rather than encouraged the cause of democracy throughout the world; the revolution in Russia would not have had her powerful aid, and democracy would be staggering o'er the whole earth. Belgium accepted Germany's challenge, rather than slavishly submit, because of the God-given right of all honorable people to govern themselves and maintain their national integrity and honor. Like all free peoples, she would rather die than submit to the

vassalage of the inhuman strutting "lord of destiny"—she would preserve her honor before the world, though she might lose her existence, as the penalty. For this, Belgium has an immortal name in history, as has many an individual martyr, for like conduct.

Despite the above, and numerous other instances, however, national honor has often been a mere pretext of ambitious States and covetous princes and worldlings, for waging war against a weaker people.

During long centuries, up to the present, Europe has been rending herself, each group trying to make itself greater through the dependency of its neighbors,—all this under the pretext of succession to power, political equilibrium, and sometimes, "balance of power." This has kept alive among the nations the Machiavelian principle that might makes right. But, we must remember that of the many wars thus waged, the alleged causes were only pretexts, the real causes being deeper and more selfish. This point cannot be too strongly emphasized. Text books often lead us astray here, giving these excuses as the causes, rather than the motives back of them. On such pretexts Rome and Carthage contended for no less stakes than the "dominion and exploitation of the Mediterranean world." Later, Genoa and Venice, of the Italian city States, likewise fought for predominance in commerce and navigation; then Spain and Portugal, for their colonial empires; then England, Holland and France, following the countries of the Iberian Peninsula. The real motive, however, was chiefly commercial, as the nature of these contests testifies.

This was all done under the old-time conviction that, in order to have prosperity, a nation must gain a monopoly on trade and treasure, a monopoly of exchange and exploitation. Consequently, this era was followed up and completed by the conquests and wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It had its revival, again, in the wars of colonial expansion in the past century. If a State could not secure

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