the face of which political freedom must wither and perish. "For us there is but one choice, we have made it. . . . We are ready to plead at the bar of history.”

Summary and Conclusion

A brief survey of the causes catalogued and discussed in the foregoing articles with the study of the subject they imply, shows the following clear divisions and contrasts:

(1) All the Allied powers and those fighting with them have democracy, with its attendant liberties as one of their leading causes; while none of the "Central Powers" were democracies, but were fighting for the principles of despotism. This is so universally true that the World War has become, above all else combined, a struggle of democracy with despotic power, and those two causes are truly in the balance. This fact alone brands Germany-her kaiser and imperial government, who have been the soul and masters of the Central States-as the chief culprits in this war and the arch-enemies of mankind.

(2) The Central Powers, led by Germany, have been in the present generation (since 1905) the only exponents and defenders of the principle that "might makes right," and have since that time been in the grip of the "war-lords" Bernhardi, Treitschke, "Herr" Ballin, and such like, with the whole leadership of the German army and navy to preach that doctrine, a doctrine so welcome and sweet to the palate of the kaiser and imperial government of Germany. Here I cannot refrain from quoting a few characteristic statements of Bernhardi: "War is the father of all things; al obligation, an indispensable factor in civilization. . . Germany is the fittest to survive. . . . The Germans have proved themselves one may say, the civilized nation. . . . Absolutely the most important task of a modern State consists in making its armed force as powerful as possible."

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(3) In the decade between 1905 and 1915 five times Eu

rope was brought to the verge of a general war-every time by the brazen aggressions of the German and Austro-Hungarian governments. Four times one or all of the allied States and the small nations they were protecting yielded, to save Europe from the devastation of war; but in 1914 they did not yield-THEY COULD NOT YIELD and remain free and honorable, treaty-abiding nations.

(4) Finally, with respect to the United States' particular case and cause, we wish it to be borne in mind that, although for two years England violated international law and our right to be neutral through her seizing, holding as contraband and disposing of our cargoes, as well as rifling our mail,—yet she appropriated only property, and did not destroy even that; while on the other hand Germany by her submarine warfare utterly destroyed (and Germany set her submarine blockade in action first) not only our ships and cargoes, but also human lives, the lives of our citizens (who had a perfect right to be on the high seas-never before in the history of civilization were people absolutely denied the use of the open sea)-then boasted of her achievement and celebrated these murders with holidays and rejoicing! Is not the case sufficiently plain? The Judge of all has told us that "Life is more than meat, and the body more than raiment."

We have omitted treatment of some of the lesser and immediate causes of this war, as well as several of the pretexts and excuses, but we feel they are not important enough to demand further space and consideration in this work.

In our next month's article we shall begin an outline and suggestions by which the war may be studied in our schools, -after which the questions of peace will be taken up and studied carefully.

CHAPTER VIII

CAUSES OF THE BALKAN WARS (1911-1913)

HE Turko-Italian war of 1911, in which the Italians

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so readily overcame the Turks, opened the eyes of the Balkan nations, and convinced them that the time was opportune for a concerted movement to drive the "unspeakable Turk" out of Europe, and especially, out of Balkan affairs. Turkey had proven herself much weaker than was generally anticipated, and her once tributary states in Europe were now confident of victory and the fruits of victory, in the rounding out of their own nationalities and patriotic aspirations. Thus did the Italians' victory over the Turks in 1911 lead directly and immediately to the greater victory of the little Balkan states the next year. They knew that their triumph would eliminate the rule of the Ottoman entirely from Europe, if only the great European powers would leave them alone. As the great powers had a number of times intervened in their struggles with Turkey previously, however, they knew that possibility of intervention still existed. But their chance to win was such that they would run the risk anyway, in the hope that the justice of their cause would stay the meddling hand. And so war came.

As indicated above, the First Balkan war came as a result of the universal conviction of the Balkan states that the time had come to throw off the last remnants of Turkish tyranny, and drive the monster out of Europe. Their strong national feeling and ambition to rule over all the people of their own blood fed the flame.

The Second Balkan war was a fight over the division of the spoils of victory, of which Bulgaria had hardly received

her just share. This was unfortunate, but it was natural, as the victors had come to no previous conclusion as to their respective claims in the region conquered. This trouble was aggravated by Austria-Hungary's intervention at the close of the First war, backed by the "shining sword" of the German Kaiser.

Before the Balkan wars of 1911-13 historians were accustomed to include in the Balkan states Serbia, Montenegro, Roumania, Bulgaria, and sometimes Greece. After the First Balkan war a separate state, Albania, was set up, due to the jealous intervention of Austria. That made six. And since Greece received part of the region fought for and has also played an important rôle in the Balkans in the great World War, it is right that she be included in the Balkan group, as she is, geographically, in the peninsula. Accordingly, the writer, whenever referring to the Balkan states as a whole will include Greece.

The Balkan question has been for three quarters of a century, and still is, a most complicated and intricate one. As already observed in an earlier chapter of this work, the wars of the nineteenth century, and particularly of the latter part of the century, have been mostly wars of nationality. It was to be expected, therefore, that this spirit would manifest itself strongly in the Balkans and prove a strong moral force toward victory. Nevertheless, all the world was surprised, and little less than astonished at the swift and terrible defeats that these little states inflicted upon the country that but a short time before had held them under its despotic sway of crime and massacre.

The story of the unification of Italy and Germany we need not recount here, although they had their remote and indirect bearings on the recent Balkan troubles, especially, since they paved the way for the ambitions of Italy along the Adriatic, and the mutual jealousies and intrigues of the Teutonic and Russian governments in the Near East. And the Crimean war (1853-56) needs little more than passing

mention. This war meant for Turkey (a), the abolition of Russia's protectorate over the Danubian Principalities and of the Czar's claim to special right of intervention in behalf of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, (b) closing of the Straits to the warships of all nations, and (c), the formal admission of Turkey into the family of European powers. It marked also a distinct step on the part of several of the small Balkan principalities toward freedom from Turkish rule, the setting up of independent governments, or their protection, control, or annexation by European powers. The chief significance of this all is that these small states and principalities have ever since remained a continual menace to the "balance of power" and peace of Europe. So they will continue to be if an effective League of Nations is not formed as an immediate outcome of the World war.

Bulgaria was the last of the original Balkan states to obtain independence of Turkey. The Bulgarian Exarchate was established as a separate religious community March 10, 1870. This struggle resulted in a movement toward nationality. Bulgarian insurrections against Turkey broke out in 1875-6, and these led in turn to the Russo-Turkish war and the virtual loss of Bulgaria to Turkey, in 1878. Since that time the Bulgarians have looked to Russia repeatedly for aid, and have considered her their best friend and protector, until the period immediately before the Balkan wars, when their German rulers began to veer them toward the Central powers. Bulgaria's defeat in the Second Balkan war, 1913, at the hands of the other Balkan states sealed her alliance with the Teutonic powers and Turkey; and that explains her line-up in the World War. She had gained her final independence from Turkey in 1908.

By the Congress of Berlin, concluded in July 1878, at the close of the Russo-Turkish war alluded to above, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Eastern Roumelia and Montenegro were severed from direct rule by the Sultan. Montenegro, Serbia and Roumania achieved their complete independence

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