the dim light of a late afternoon, and beat to insensibility a guiltless cab driver, who, during a funeral procession that morning, was suspected of having joined the communists in a riotous demonstration against the Fascisti. The courts are supposed in Italy to guarantee freedom, but the poor cabby can hardly be said to have beeen tried by "a jury of his peers." Who would blame him for repudiating constitutional government, when it affords him so little protection-who is safe against arbitrary upstarts if Fascistism is not suppressed? But, as a matter of fact, it is enthroned!

But, on the whole, the new States coming into being are infinitely better than the old, and, doubtless, will find at the same time, under a common aegis, freedom and stability. What shall that common aegis be? A return to reason, and, as in civil government, a resort to tribunals.

Some modification of the League of Nations, or perhaps the organization of a United States of Europe could accomplish the desired end. History will be found, as indeed, contemporary history is, on the side of Woodrow Wilson's idea, which will, like a seed, live in the ground until favorable condidtions shall cause it to germinate and grow, perhaps, into the stature of a sheltering tree.

"Fools make poems, like you and me,

But only God can make a tree."

And it is a God's work to construct order out of chaos.

Overturned tank, Fort Pompelle, near Rheims, France

An old Irish woman is reported to have said: "Now that
the British have gone, thank God we can fight in peace."

'N THE beginning of August, 1922, the Free State GovernI ment of Ireland was on trial. The British troops had been withdrawn, except for a few inactive companies, camped in Phoenix Park, Dublin. "The Irregulars"-socalled that is, the out and out Republicans, holding out for republic, free of any British connection, were in the field. The Free State troops were then in possession of Dublin, upholding the treaty which had been entered into by Ireland and England. The election for members of the Dail Eireann, or Parliament, under the treaty, had gone in favor of the Free Staters, and Arthur Griffith was acting as President of this Dail and Michael Collins as President of the Provisional Government and General in command of the troops.

I decided to cross from England to Dublin to ascertain on the ground the real condition of affairs.

Leaving London in the early morning, we reached Holy

head at 3:00 P. M., and at once departed by steamer, over the turbulent Irish Sea, for Kingston, arriving in Dublin, a few miles further by rail, at about 7:00 P. M. The boat was crowded. My first thought was concerning the persons on board, and who they might be. Young men and young women of the working or middle class predominated, and I learned most of them were visiting Dublin from Cork via Fishguard, in England, because the travel by railroads in Ireland was interrupted. It later developed that many were fighting men from the Southern city, who came pursuant to a plan, which was put in force, abortively, a week later, to cut off Dublin by the destruction of roads and bridges.

I, in common with my traveling companions, my nephew, Mr. Noël Sullivan and Mr. Charles W. Fay, felt a certain degree of apprehension, because we had been warned that there was a great deal of free fighting in Dublin, and that there were constant sniping operations, by which men, from the roofs of buildings, would pick off soldiers and other objectionable persons in the streets below.

Descending from the back of the jaunting car, and as we entered the Shelborne Hotel, we saw armed soldiers in the lobby, and on the platform above, apparently on guard against unexpected raids, because the best hotels had not been exempt from invasion.

But, by singular good fortune, I met an old friend in the lobby, Mr. P. A. O'Farrell, brother-in-law of Mr. W. T. Cosgrave, T. D., then the leading member of the Irish Cabinet, and, subsequently, successor to Michael Collins as head of the Irish State.

There was nothing unusual otherwise about the appear