stretched the coast of California-the State superlativewhich fifty years after the founding of the Republic, sparsely populated and loosely held, was coveted by England, Russia and France. The army and navy took it for us as a spoil of war, which under the same shield shall be perpetuated in peace. It is the conviction of the traveler, as compared with other places, that California can be justly regarded as the treasure house and playground of the world. How truly the native poet, Clark Ashton Smith, expresses the pilgrim's thought:

"My beloved is a well of clear waters,

To which I have come at noontide

From the land of the abomination of desolation,

From the lion-dreaded waste

Where nothing dwelleth but the inconsolable crying of an

evil wind,

Where no one passeth except the sun,

Who walked like a terrible God through the hell of brazen
skies!

Ah, suffer me to sleep

In the balsam-laden shadows of the palm and myrtle,
By the ever springing fountain."

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

Why Washington Feared Europe

HENRY CABOT LODGE, in his life of George Washington, Page 214, shows that Washington avoided entangling connections with Europe in 1795, which then threatened the existence of the United States, because the States were bankrupt and sparsely settled. Washington, Senator Lodge states, wanted time for his country to grow in strength and extent. "In twenty years," Washington said, "the United States would be strong enough to defy any power."

Here is a quotation from the biography:

"In December, 1795, he wrote to Morris: 'It is well known that peace has been (to borrow a modern phrase) the order of the day with me since the disturbances in Europe first commenced. My policy has been, and will continue to be while I have the honor to remain in the administration, to maintain friendly terms with, but to be independent of, all the nations of the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfil our own engagements; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all; being thoroughly convinced that it is our policy and interest to do so. Nothing short of self-respect and that justice which is essential to a national character ought to involve us in war; for sure I am, if this country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer, it may bid defiance in a just cause to any power whatever; such in that time would be its population, wealth and resources.'

"He wanted time, but he wanted space also for his country; and if we look for a moment at the results of his foreign policy we see clearly how he got both."

Not twenty, but one hundred and twenty years have elapsed since that time.

Daniel Webster's Views

DANIEL WEBSTER, United States Senator from Massachusetts, in 1824 moved in the United States Senate to acknowledge Grecian independence and spoke, in part, as follows:

I might well, Mr. Chairman, avoid the responsibility of this measure if it had, in my judgment, any tendency to change the policy of the country. With the general course of that policy I am quite satisfied. The Nation is prosperous, peaceful, and happy; and I should very reluctantly put its peace, prosperity, or happiness at risk. It appears to me, however, that this resolution is strictly conformable to our general policy, and not only consistent with our interests but even demanded by a large and liberal view of those interests.

In the next place, I take it for granted that the policy of this country, springing from the nature of our Government and the spirit of all our institutions, is, so far as it respects the interesting questions which agitate the present age, on the side of liberal and enlightened sentiments. The age is extraordinary, the spirit that actuates it is peculiar and marked, and our own relation to the times we live in and to the questions which interest them is equally marked and peculiar. We are placed by our good fortune and the wisdom and valor of our ancestors in a condition in which we can act no obscure part. Be it for honor or be it for dishonor, whatever we do is sure to attract the observation of the world. As one of the free States among the nations, as a great and rapidly rising Republic, it would be impossible for us, if we were so disposed, to prevent our principles, our sentiments, and our example from producing some effect upon the opinions and hopes of society throughout the civilized world. It rests, probably, with ourselves to determine whether the influence of these shall be salutary or pernicious. [Daniel Webster in the Senate of the United States, 1824]