the governments themselves, in like manner, without merging them in a single government. To illustrate what I have stated by reference to ordinary transactions, the confederation was a contract between agents -the present Constitution between the principals themselves; or, to take a more analogous case, one is a league made by ambassadors; the other, a league made by sovereigns-the latter no more tending to unite the parties into a single sovereignty than the former. The only difference is in the solemnity of the act and the force of the obligation."

Rarely has such intellectual championship been witnessed in the halls of Congress as on this memorable occasion. It was a contest between giants. Never before had the great powers of Mr. Calhoun been made so clearly manifest; and the superiority of his logical powers was admitted by many who had not hitherto been classed among his admirers. Mr. Webster was specious and technical; Mr. Calhoun's argument proceeded link by link till he had formed a chain of adamant. The blows of the former were truly formidable, but they were spent in great part upon the air, while every stroke from his antagonist drove the nail home. Mr. Webster argued like a lawyer-Mr. Calhoun like a statesman. The North American Review, hitherto always known as the firm and able advocate of federal doctrines, admitted that Mr. Calhoun had successfully maintained the point that the Constitution was a compact between the states, and it placed him where the general voice of the nation when divested of party prejudice placed him, in the front rank of the élite of American statesmen. Mr. Webster himself tacitly con.

ceded that he was beaten. He never attempted to reply to the reply of Mr. Calhoun, but in moody silence and with frowning brows regarded the demolition of the argument he had taken so much pains to construct.

The eccentric John Randolph, then in feeble health, happened to be present during this debate. He sat near Mr. Calhoun when the latter was making his reply, but a hat standing on the seat before him, prevented him from seeing Mr. Webster. "Take away that hat," he exclaimed; "I want to see Webster die, muscle by muscle."

The Force Bill passed the House of Representatives on the 28th of February, and thus became a law; but in the meantime everything had remained quiet in South Carolina. The 1st of February was the day appointed for the nullification ordinance to take effect, but about that time the leading State Rights men held a meeting at Charleston, and adopted resolutions agreeing that no attempt should be made to execute the ordinance till Congress adjourned and the State Convention reässembled.* In this manner a collision between the state and national authorities was avoided. The forts in the harbor of Charleston were strongly garrisoned under the orders of the President, but the officer charged with the command in this quarter was cautious, forbearing, and discreet.† Owing to his moderation and prudence, and the display of the same qualities by the prominent nullifiers and unionists, not a drop of blood was shed.

Meanwhile, in compliance with the clearly expressed wish of the country, notwithstanding a majority of the *Niles' Register, vol. xliii. p. 381. + General Scott.

American people may have at that time disapproved of the stand taken by South Carolina, different measures for the reduction of the duties were brought before Congress. The project presented by the administration was thought by the friends of protection to contemplate too sudden a reduction. They became alarmed, and Mr. Clay as their organ prepared the well-known Compromise Act, under the advice and with the approbation of Mr. Calhoun. The latter did not desire to see the manufacturers ruined, nor hastily to undo the bad legislation which had given rise to so many complaints. The Compromise Act was announced by its author and advocate, Mr. Clay, to be designed for a permanent tariff system which should quiet the present agitation, and prevent a recurrence of similar evils in the future. The bill surrendered the protective principle and established the ad valorem-two favorite points with Mr. Calhoun. It also provided for a general reduction of the duties to the revenue standard. Mr. Calhoun was satisfied with this, as were all parties in Congress except the ultra friends of protection. The bill passed both Houses, therefore, by large majorities, and received the signature of the President on the 2d day of March, 1833.

Congress adjourned on the 3d instant, and Mr. Calhoun hastened his return home. Travelling night and day by the most rapid public conveyances, he succeeded in reaching Columbia in time to meet the Convention before they had taken any additional steps. Some of the more fiery and ardent members were disposed to complain of the Compromise Act as being only a halfway, temporizing measure; but when his explanations

were made, all felt satisfied, and the Convention cordially approved of his course. The nullification ordinance was repealed, and the two parties in the state abandoned their organizations, and mutually agreed to forget all their past differences-a pledge which, to their honor be it said, was faithfully observed.

Thus terminated this important controversy, which for a time threatened the integrity of the Union. It is, perhaps, too soon to form a correct judgment in regard to the events of this conflict between State Rights and Consolidation. Nullification, it has been said, was "a little hurricane while it lasted;" but it cooled the air, and "left a beneficial effect on the atmosphere." Its influence was decidedly healthful. The nullifiers certainly achieved a triumph,—for they procured a recognition, not immediate but ultimate, of the correctness of their doctrines; and the result of this great contest, more than aught else, laid the foundation of that approbation of the State Rights creed which is now so general a sentiment, and paved the way for the eventual success of the principles of Free Trade.

CHAPTER X.

Removal of the Deposits-Opposition of Mr. Calhoun to the Jackson Administration-Course in Regard to the Bank-Executive Patronage-Reelected to the Senate-Abolition Excitement-Speech on the Reception of Abolition Petitions-Admission of Michigan-Separation of the Government from the Banks-Speech of Mr. Calhoun -Reply to Mr. Clay.

ONE of the most powerful reasons--and, perhaps, irrespective of personal feelings, the controlling onethat influenced Mr. Calhoun in taking a position adverse to the administration of General Jackson, was the favor at first shown toward the protective policy. But this important subject having been disposed of for the present by the passage of the Compromise Bill, it became a serious question among politicians, as to what would be the future course of Mr. Calhoun. The friends of the administration party claimed to represent, and so far as great and leading principles were concerned, they did in fact represent, the old Republican party of which Jefferson and Madison were the founders. The opposition in turn insisted that they were the only true disciples of the school to which those illustrious statesmen belonged, and they had several years previous assumed the name of "National Republicans." Had Mr. Calhoun consulted his early predilections, he would undoubtedly have waived all the considerations personal to himself, on the overthrow of