service. Having thus excluded all probability of the event of a systematic abuse of royal power, or a dangerous exorbitance of prerogative, our constitution exempts her kings from the degrading necessity of being accountable to the subject: She invests them with the high attribute of political impeccability; she declares, that wrong, in his public capacity, a king of Great Britain cannot do; and thus unites the most perfect security of the subject's liberty with the most absolute inviolability of the sacred person of the sovereign.

Such is the British constitution,—its basis, religion; its end, liberty; its principal means and safeguard of liberty, the majesty of the sovereign. In support of it the king is not more interested than the peasant.

It was a signal instance of God's mercy, not imputing to the people of this land the atrocious deed of a desperate faction, — it was a signal instance of God's mercy, that the goodly fabric was not crushed in the middle of the last century, ere it had at

tained its finished perfection, by the phrensy of that fanatical banditti which took the life of the First Charles. In the madness and confusion which followed the shedding of that blood, our history holds forth an edifying example of the effects that are ever to be expected in that example, it gives warning of the effects that ever are intended, by the dissemination of those infernal maxims, that kings are the servants of the people, punishable by their masters. The same lesson is confirmed by the horrible example which the present hour exhibits, in the unparalleled misery of a neighbouring nation, once great in learning, arts, and arms; now torn by contending factions- her government demolished — her altars overthrown-her firstborn despoiled of their birthright her nobles degraded — her best citizens exiled her riches sacred and profane given up to the pillage of sacrilege and rapine- atheists directing her councils desperadoes conducting her armies wars of unjust and chimerical ambition consuming her youth-her granaries exhausted her fields uncultivated

famine threatening her multitudes-her

streets swarming with assassins, filled with violence, deluged with blood!

Is the picture frightful? is the misery extreme-the guilt horrid? Alas! these things were but the prelude of the tragedy: Public justice poisoned in its source, profaned in the abuse of its most solemn forms to the foulest purposes,—a monarch deliberately murdered a monarch, whose only crime it was that he inherited a sceptre the thirtysecond of his illustrious stock, butchered on a public scaffold, after the mockery of arraignment, trial, sentence butchered without the merciful formalities of the vilest malefactor's execution - the sad privilege of a last farewell to the surrounding populace refused-not the pause of a moment allowed for devotion-honourable interment denied to the corpse, - the royal widow's anguish imbittered by the rigour of a close imprisonment; with hope indeed, at no great distance, of release, of such release as hath been given to her lord!

This foul murder, and these barbarities, have filled the measure of the guilt and in

famy of France. O my country! read the horror of thy own deed in this recent heightened imitation! lament and weep that this black French treason should have found its example in the crime of thy unnatural sons! Our contrition for our guilt that stained our land- our gratitude to God, whose mercy so soon restored our church and monarchy. -our contrition for our own crime, and our gratitude for God's unspeakable mercy, will be best expressed by us all, by setting the example of a dutiful submission to government in our own conduct, and by inculcating upon our children and dependants a loyal attachment to a king who hath ever sought his own glory in the virtue and prosperity of his people, and administers justice with an even, firm, and gentle hand,—a king who in many public acts hath testified his affection for the free constitution of this country,a king, of whom, or of the princes issued from his loins and trained by his example, it were injurious to harbour a suspicion that they will ever be inclined to use their power to any other end than for the support of public liberty. Let us remember, that a

conscientious submission to the sovereign powers is, no less than brotherly love, a distinctive badge of Christ's disciples. Blessed be God, in the church of England both those marks of genuine Christianity have ever been conspicuous. Perhaps, in the exercise of brotherly love, it is the amiable infirmity of Englishmen to be too easy to admit the claim of a spiritual kindred. The times compel me to remark, that brotherly love embraces only brethren: The term of holy brotherhood is profaned by an indiscriminate application. We ought to mark those who cause divisions and offences. Nice scruples about external forms, and differences of opinion upon controvertible points, cannot but take place among the best Christians, and dissolve not the fraternal tie: None indeed, at this season, are more entitled to our offices of love, than those with whom the difference is wide, in points of doctrine, discipline, and external rights those venerable exiles the prelates and clergy of the fallen church of France, endeared to us by the edifying example they exhibit of patient suffering for conscience sake: But if any enjoying