Bretton Woods, and of Atlantic City as it is in the Washington Declarations of the United Nations.

We thus have reason to hope. But our faith, our optimism, and our good-will should not prevent us from seeing and stressing several difficulties.

The Dumbarton Oaks and Yalta proposals set us the whole problem of relationship between large, medium, and small powers. It is impossible today to approach this question without saying immediately how comforting it has been for us to have President Truman repeat twice, in an interval of a few days, in the same words and with the same determination, that the big powers must serve and not dominate the world.

This generous statement is also a reasonable one. Between the big powers and the other nations, an atmosphere of confidence is indispensable to all international co-operation.

This faith is brought thereby to countries like mine, in particular, to which war means also occupation by the enemy-happy are those who have not experienced that trial, the most terrifying and painful of all-to countries whose ambition is to be, each in its own place and according to its means, the skilled craftsmen of a sound international policy. The great powers have no reason to distrust us. On the contrary, they should wish for and stimulate our co-operation.

We know how much we owe our great allies. We know the sacrifices they have accepted in order to achieve victory, to re-establish peace, to give us back our independence, and to deliver us from German oppression. We hope and we want them to remain united. For we see in this unity the best pledge for world peace and, in consequence, for our security.

We know likewise that, in the Organization to be set up, their heavy duties, their great responsibilities, assign to them a special part that we are willing to dedicate. In all this, one can find but the just measure. At a first glance, but only at the first, it seems easier to solve problems by an agreement limited to a few of the powers; but experience has proved that the cooperation of all states is a guaranty of justice, and it is only on justice that a lasting peace can be founded. Our aims are the same, our ideals the same, our appreciation of realities the same. All we request is the right

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to express our opinions freely, to assume our share of the tasks that world security imposes, and to take part in the general responsibilities proportionately to our strength.

Let the great powers be freely accepted as leaders; we have faith in their strength and in their experience. But let them also never forget that, less prone to trust strength because we lack it, we see in the respect for justice and right the supreme guaranty of our existence. This very preoccupation leads us to hope, with other delegations, that the principles of law and morality on which the new Organization is to be founded will be defined more thoroughly.

The will to maintain peace is indeed a most praiseworthy purpose, but recent history has demonstrated to us that it is necessary, in order to achieve this aim, to remain true to some rules of law.

We cannot disentangle, in our minds, the idea of justice from that of peace. And we must never be placed before the painful dilemma of having to choose between justice and peace. It is in such spirit of loyal and constructive co-operation that we wish to help solve the problems layed in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, and thus answer the call that was sent out to us by the representatives of the sponsoring powers.

Yesterday, Mr. Eden urged us to work fast, to avoid getting lost in details, and not to forget that a task like the one we have undertaken today can always be completed, revised, and improved. He is right. Clear directives are what the world expects of us. The pact that we wish to build must undoubtedly be drawn up by specialists, but it is intended for the peoples of the world. Let it be simple, and let us never forget that the best texts are valueless if the spirit does not give them life.

What matters above all is our will to act and succeed and our passionate desire not to disappoint all those who hope. Now that victory is about to crown our efforts, we must have faith in those who have suffered, and we must persuade them that the sacrifices they have consented and the ordeals they have undergone were not in vain.

MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, I will now recognize the vice chairman of the Bolivian delegation, Señor Andrade, the Bolivian Ambassador to Washington.

MR. ANDRADE: Mr. President, Honorable Delegates of the United Nations: Basking in the hospitality of this city of San Francisco, California, we begin our work. I wish to express my appreciation in the name of the people and of my Government of Bolivia for the generous welcome which has been accorded to us.

Gentlemen: Like all the countries of the world, Bolivia is confident that this Conference will initiate an era of peace on the earth. The sentiments of my people are intense, because they grow out of a fund of hard historical experiences; this is why the sorrows of this war and the hope of this moment are those of my country, which needs and wants a just peace. Such a peace can be attained if we who have the mandate of the peoples to defend their dearest aspirations, affirm for the future an era of security, justice, and well-being.

Security as a result of collective and immediate action on the part of the states for the elimination of causes of aggression; right and peace as the necessary means for

attaining justice; and the different recourses of international law, with equal guaranties for all, will give a lofty significance to the ends and objectives which the world proposes to attain.

In order that such objectives may be more effective, there is also a need for the classification of an aggressor in the Charter of the world Organization. Thus, all countries would know in advance what they must avoid in their international conduct, in order not to incur collective sanctions.

There will, therefore, be no lasting peace if justice in international relations is not established as an essential condition for its maintenance. To attain such peace, insuring harmony in the common life of states, we are assembled here, Honorable Delegates, with the certainty that we shall create an international order without precedent in history and capable of eliminating all unjust situations which may be maintained or which it may be attempted to maintain in the new juridical era which is contemplated.

Oppression and tyranny are peculiar not only to political power, but also to hunger and want. Well-being is liberation, and it is justice.

The men and nations who fall into a state of destitution and abandonment constitute fertile soil in which those who periodically seek domination of the world sow their hopes for power. The suffering masses sometimes destroy the foundation of their happiness in their frenzied desire to find the road to liberation.

The excessive difference in remuneration for the same quality and quantity of work is the essence of that inequality which nourishes hatred and which, in giving birth to privileged groups, likewise creates collective tyrannies.

The ideal thing is for all men to have equal opportunities for attaining happiness and enjoying the benefits of civilization. The peace for which we long must not have for its purpose the establishment of a social status quo, because in addition to being antihuman and consequently impossible, such a thing would mean a new form of oppression which would put a fatal end to the principles on which we wish to build peaceful human harmony. It must be a peace dynamic in the desire to find a solution to the social and economic problems of the world.

On these fundamental concepts we base our opinion that raising of the standard of living of the nations, co-operation in the campaign against disease and assistance in improving food, shelter, and living conditions should no longer in the modern world be attitudes emanating from the humanitarian and charitable instinct of the strongest but rather the elementary rights of man and of the need to live in peace.

The statute planned at Dumbarton Oaks and proposed for our consideration is a method for organizing the peace. Within its general framework the obligations established therein are related to the effort made by each of the great nations under whose auspices this Conference is being held. Hence, peace and understanding among the great powers form, together with the faith of the small ones, the working parts of this complex machinery which we are constructing.

The sacrifice of the invaded nations, the suffering of those masses harassed by misfortune and the gigantic effort of the great nations which have unconditionally placed the blood of their sons at the service of humanity -all these things do not fail to be felt by us even though

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they are far removed from our land, for we consider that those men and those women are brothers and sisters in grief. For the glorious sacrifices, our eternal gratitude; for those who return victorious, our supreme admiration.

This is why the anxieties of the great assembly of the United Nations have not been strange to my country, which, through its highest representative body-the Parliament gave the work of an Indo-American thinker who sketched the general lines of an honest and real law of nations, which seeks to attain peace on the foundations of justice and law. I cannot fail to quote two fundamental concepts which are now and always will be recognized as incontestable truths of universal value:

"In the Community of Nations, the possession of power and strength imposes upon the powerful obligations and duties the neglect of which would bring immediate damage upon the smaller nations, and would in the end bring ruin or the threat of ruin upon the powerful nations.

"Any political power that is not used principally, even though not exclusively, in the service of others will in the end consume the possessor of such power." It has fallen upon the representative of a small nation possessing a deep historic tradition to reaffirm the criterion that the greatest power involves always the greatest responsibility. The exercise of such power constitutes for mankind and for conscientious peoples a series of difficult obligations and duties, rather than a privilege.

The sacrifices of this war which is now ending cannot be fruitless; if, in order to prosecute it and lead it to victory, it has been necessary to have the generous contribution of all the free countries, the maintenance of peace requires of the powerful and the weak nations their maximum effort and zeal in order to prevent history from continuing in the path that it has followed so far-a series of lost opportunities.

Peace has always been a weak and transitory attempt; it now devolves upon the great powers to attain this purpose in a lasting form. In order not to betray the confidence of the world, it is perhaps desirable to restate an American concept: "One cannot be powerful and immune from punishment."

MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, I now have the pleasure of recognizing Señor Velloso, the Minister of State for Foreign Relations of Brazil. Señor Velloso.

MR. VELLOSO: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I speak in English so that my distinguished American friends here present and the people of the United States may understand me at first hand.

In the name of the Brazilian delegation, I wish to say a few words on the death of President Roosevelt.

The Brazilian people has lost a devoted friend with the passing away of the "greatest champion of freedom," as he was fittingly called by Winston Churchill. On the news of that sad event, throughout the vast extent of Brazil, the people, profoundly moved, showed that they well realized the tremendous loss which they together with the entire world had suffered.

The years of President Roosevelt's life at the White House were years of closest co-operation between Brazil and of the United States. Fortunately, we were not deaf to the repeated warnings which, on the eve of war, he

gave on the evils which confronted the world. When the hour struck, without counting sacrifices or seeking any reward but the friendship of the American people, Brazil responded to his call for the defense of the Americas and of the civilized world.

No one better than President Roosevelt knew the cost to Brazil of the wholehearted contribution to the security of the American continent, the liberation of Europe, and the final victory of democratic ideals. No one more than he, who knew Brazil, its people, and its leaders, could better value the sincerity and the extent of our share in the war effort. In turn, both on the part of the Government and of the people it became a debt of honor to respond to his idealism, in which we have had always the most absolute faith.

On the death of such a great friend, my country feels a certain consolation in the thought that it understood

his aims and that it not spare any effort within the scope of its possibilities to help bring about his high designs. We shall always remember President Roosevelt as the man who through his generous deeds so greatly contributed to make the world believe again that goodness and idealism are strong enough to direct the destiny of mankind. We shall always be inspired by the undying memory of his noble heart and his brilliant intelligence.

It is still the light of his spirit which inspires us in this assembly. In the work being undertaken, as we follow the arduous path which he was the first to tread, we shall need to raise our thoughts to the heights where his were wont to dwell. He spoke for all of us when he said that in the future juridical world Organization there should be no attempt, with the attributions conferred upon the great powers, to create a super state possessing its own policing authority. "We are seeking," he said, "agreements and arrangements through which the nations would maintain, according to their capacities; adequate forces to meet the needs of preventing war and making impossible deliberate preparations for war, and to have such forces available for joint action when necessary."

In this lucid conception of a new system of peace and security, distinctions between large and small nations disappear, so that the efforts of all be added together in the aim toward a single objective, even so because nations which are considered small today may be great, rich, and strong tomorrow.

It is, therefore, in the equality of political rights, beginning by those of sovereignty, that we must set the foundations of our system, as was recognized by all the speakers in yesterday's session. The People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Honorable Mr. Molotov, inquired in his address, however, up to what point would the peaceloving nations be disposed to waive prerogatives and rights in benefit of the efficiency of the future world organization. A nation which has always held in repugnance the resort to force for the solution of disagreements between peoples and which has always favored moral and juridical solutions, Brazil has never hesitated, when wounded in its sovereignty, or in virtue of international obligations, to assume the responsibilities and the burdens of war. While our participation in the struggle of 1914-18 was a limited one, we threw into the present

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conflict the resources at our disposal and gave an example of supreme loyalty and confidence when we placed at the disposal of our great ally, the United States, air and naval bases from which their forces and ours operated to expel enemy raiders from the South Atlantic and sweep away the submarine menace, insuring the safety of the stream of war matériel directed toward North Africa and Egypt.

There can be no doubt that this represented a considerable advance in the field of military co-operation between nations without detriment to the classical conception of the exercise of sovereignty, since those bases, placed at the service of the common cause, are and will continue to be Brazilian.

The contribution of Brazil to the victory of Allied arms did not stop here, however. Expeditionary forces of the Army and Air Force of Brazil have crossed the Atlantic to fight by the side of our allies on the battlefields and in the skies of Italy, where we are still paying at the present time a heavy tribute to the ideals which we defend together.

In the event of a new conflict, in face of the progress in modern armament, and by force of our geographical situation, we are bound to become at once a battle front. Exposed in this manner to the aggression of extracontinental powers, we shall constitute the advance defenses of the continent on the South Atlantic, within reach of naval and air operations.

The time is past when nations situated at a distance from the initial field of struggle could stay aloof, in selfish isolation, safe from destruction, from the crimes and monstrosities of war. No defense is afforded today by natural barriers, by mountains, rivers, or seas.

We all know, throughout all quarters of the world, the risks and dangers of the warlike fury of imperialistic nations. Brazil knows them; America and the world are awake to them.

Traditional principles, geographical imperatives, all impel us Brazilians, therefore, to prevent war and to desire the solid organization of a definitive system of security, for the efficiency of which we pledge all our resources in peace and in war, without demanding rewards and without measuring sacrifices.

MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, it gives me great pleasure to present to you as our closing speaker at this Second Plenary Session the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Mackenzie King.

MR. MACKENZIE KING: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Canadian delegation comes to this Conference with one central purpose in view. That purpose is to co-operate as completely as we can with the delegations of other nations in bringing into being, as soon as possible, a Charter of world security.

This Conference is meeting at a time without parallel in the history of human affairs. The present is one of those moments of transition when an old order is passing away. As representatives of the United Nations, we are all here to help lay the foundations of a new world order. The ends that we seek to serve transcend the limits of race and the bounds of nationality.

We would do well to seek to match our deliberations to the rapid movement of events. While the fires of war are still burning fiercely, the opportunity is given to this

Conference to forge and fashion from those fires an instrument for world security. In the execution of this great task, there should be no avoidable delay. It is ours to give to grief-stricken humanity a hope of which it is in greater need today than it has ever been before. It is ours to help to bring into being a world community in which social security and human welfare will become a part of the inheritance of mankind.

The support we owe to the fighting forces of the United Nations must extend beyond the theaters of war. It must look beyond the end of hostilities. We owe it to all who have borne the heat of the strife; we owe it to the memory of those who have given their lives, to do all in our power to insure that their services and their sacrifice shall not have been in vain.

In the past, the sacrifices of human life in war have

been commemorated in monuments of stone or bronze. The only memorial worthy of the service and sacrifice of this war is one which will help to secure to peoples everywhere the opportunities of a more abundant life.

Perhaps this great gathering would permit me, as one who represents a country which has such close ties with the United States, to say how deeply Canada felt and will continue to feel the loss of so close a friend and so good a neighbor as President Roosevelt. To many here who enjoyed his friendship, his death was a deeply moving, personal bereavement. To the United States, in its national bereavement, I should like again to express our sympathy.

But the passing of Franklin Roosevelt was more than a loss to neighboring countries. It is a loss to the whole freedom-loving world. That loss places upon each and every one of us a greater responsibility. If the spirit of Franklin Roosevelt pervades the deliberations of this Conference, its success will be assured. The highest tribute which we, of the United Nations, can pay to his memory is, by our united efforts, to build a world organization which will express his life's aims and his life's ideals-a system of international co-operation which will banish from the world the threat of war, and the fear of war. To those who have come to this continent from other lands I can express no higher hope for the future of mankind than that out of the instrument we are now fashioning there may develop relations among all nations similar to those which for generations have been the common possession of Canada and the United States.

May I add a further personal reference? All present will join with Mr. Stettinius in the hope he expressed that, before the Conference concludes, Mr. Cordell Hull will be sufficiently restored in health to join in our deliberations. Mr. Hull's name will aways be associated with the origins of the world Security Organization. His years of devoted service to the cause of world freedom, his great political wisdom, his fortitude, at his age, in making the arduous journey to Moscow in 1943, and the large share he has had in shaping the proposals we are now considering have earned for him an enduring place among the founders of the United Nations.

The proceedings of this Conference have been greatly facilitated by the preparatory work already done at Dumbarton Oaks and at Yalta by the inviting powers. We may all rejoice that the great powers have achieved unified Proposals for a world Security Organization. That is a great step forward, a mighty contribution already made toward the establishment and maintenance of world peace.

The rapid movement of events on the battle fronts and the heavy demands on all who are represented here at San Francisco make it most desirable to begin as early as possible the detailed consideration of the Proposals before the Conference.

It is not the intention of the Canadian delegation to put forth in plenary session special amendments to the Proposals. Our delegation will express its point of view at an appropriate time and place on specific questions as they arise. Our sole preoccupation in any amendment which we may put forward or support at a later stage will be to help in creating an organization which over the years and decades to come will be strong enough and

flexible enough to stand any strains to which it may be subjected.

We shall not be guided by considerations of national pride or prestige and shall not seek to have changes made for reasons such as these. We recognize the principle that power and responsibility must go hand in hand and that international security depends primarily upon the maintenance of an overwhelming preponderance of power on the side of peace. Power, however, is not exclusively concentrated in the hands of any four or five states, and the Conference should not act on the assumption that it is. Such a position would not only be contrary to the facts as they have been demonstrated in the past five years but it would also be dangerous to the cause of security itself, for it would foster in many smaller countries the development of a new type of isolationism, a feeling that the task of preserving the peace could be left exclusively to great powers. Such a habit of thought would make it difficult for the smaller powers to make their contribution. Experience has shown that the contribution of smaller powers is not a negligible one, either to the preserving of the peace or to its restoration when peace has been disturbed.

The people of Canada are firm in their resolve to do whatever lies in their power to insure that the world will not be engulfed for a third time by a tidal wave of savagery and despotism. That is why our Parliament overwhelmingly endorsed the acceptance of the invitation to Canada to participate in this Conference. That is why our Parliament accepted the Proposals of the inviting powers as a satisfactory general basis for the discussion of the proposed Charter. That is why the delegation from Canada received from Parliament a mandate to use its best endeavors at this Conference to further an agreement to establish a world Security Organization. The measure of the unanimity of our country is to be found in its delegation to this Conference. The delegates were selected while our Parliament was in session. They were chosen from both houses and from both sides of each house. They represent all important shades of opinion in Canada.

In conclusion, may I express my firm conviction that the spirit in which we approach the great task of this Conference will determine the measure of its success. It is for each nation to remember that over all nations is humanity. It is for all to remember that justice is the common concern of mankind. The years of war have surely taught the supreme lesson that men and nations should not be made to serve selfish national ends, whether those ends be isolated self-defense or world domination. Nations everywhere must unite to save and to serve humanity.

MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, that brings to a close our Second Plenary Session. I would like to announce that the next plenary session will be held tomorrow morning at 10:30. I shall ask Dr. Soong to preside at that plenary session. The Fourth Plenary Session will be held tomorrow afternoon at 3:30. I shall ask Mr. Molotov to preside at that time. The following, the Fifth Plenary Session, will take place Monday afternoon at 3:30, and at that time I will ask the Right Honorable Anthony Eden to preside over that session.

Unless there is further business to come before the meeting, we will stand adjourned until 10:30 tomorrow morning in this same building.

MR. MASARYK: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: The preceding distinguished speakers paid eloquent tributes to Franklin Delano Roosevelt. May I join them in saying that the suffering people all over the world, people in distress, people bewildered by the succession of horrors of this cataclysm, have lost a tower of strength to draw courage from a dear, understanding, helping friend.

I have come to beautiful San Francisco on my way to Prague, the lovely capital of Czechoslovakia. I came from London by way of Moscow, where I had the privilege of seeing the unique effort of the magnificent people of the Soviet Union, led by that great Marshal Stalin. Yesterday the papers brought news to the Czechoslovak delegation which some of you may have overlooked. Brno, the capital of our Province of Moravia, has been liberated by the Red Army. Our joy is more than equalled by our everlasting gratitude to our Slav brothers.

Yesterday we also heard that the American and British forces have met their Soviet allies on German territory, in order to squeeze the remaining life out of Hitler's vulgar Valhalla once and for all-very good news welcomed by all who have suffered at the hands of the Huns.

One of the good qualities of Czechoslovaks is that they know how to be grateful. We are deeply grateful indeed to the liberating Red Army, to Great Britain for giving us asylum and hospitality during the blackest days of our history, and to the United States for their generous help and understanding. One of the last telegrams President Roosevelt sent before he left us was to my chief, President Benes, congratulating him on my Government's return to our liberated territory. He was like that.

After Dunkirk, Great Britain and I was there at the time-stood alone and at that moment the voice of Winston Churchill was the voice of all decent people on earth. Some people say it was a miracle. I am not too good at believing in miracles, but I did not believe that Great Britain would be overwhelmed, and I said so at the time.

Then came the epic of Stalingrad. From Stalingrad the Red Army has marched to Berlin because, as Mr. Eden said, there was a job to be done, and what a job they did. And then the invasions of Africa and the continent of Europe. Miracles? Perhaps, but very well prepared miracles.

I represent a small country in size, placed in the heart of Europe. My country signed a treaty with the Soviet Union a year and a half ago. We intend to co-operate with our great eastern ally loyally and wholeheartedly, at the same time keeping up our long and fruitful relaions with the western democracies.

I was in London while the courageous inhabitants of that great metropolis, women and children, faced a continuous attack, almost as deadly as that on the battlefronts. Indeed, London was a battle front. To have lived with the London folk during these continuous trials and dangers is a privilege I honor and cherish more than I can say. They were magnificent.

I have seen heroes from the underground of Warsaw, Belgrade, Brussels, Athens, Paris, and Prague, and in their presence I felt very humble indeed.

If I judge the spirit of this Conference correctly, I am addressing the representatives of the people who have fought a good fight to win this war. Who are they? They are the countless heroes of the United Nations, the Red Army, the G.I.'s, the British Tommies; they are the Chinese warriors; they are the Russian, Polish, Yugoslav, French, and Czechoslovak guerrillas, and, last but not least, the suffering inhabitants of the terrible concentration camps and ghettos. My country, Fellow Delegates, has been one concentration camp since 1939.

To make the world worthy of all their sacrifices and sufferings, to keep faith with our dead, this Conference has been convened. We who have survived in comparative safety have an almost crushing responsibility. Ours is a collective job of the first magnitude. We shall either create an effective organization to guarantee a permanent peace, even by force, if necessary, or we shall descend to the depth of iniquity which I once called a mechanized Stone Age.

In San Francisco there are, at this moment, assembled delegates of 46 nations, who for the last 25 years have been affected profoundly by the lack of an international instrument with a punch behind it. The idea of the League of Nations was a very lofty one, but the punch was conspicuous by its absence. That cannot be repeated. By now all of us have had the opportunity to study the Dumbarton Oaks draft from all the various aspects. Undoubtedly there are points which it may be worthwhile to re-examine jointly when the time comes. For my own part, questions such as the revitalization of international law, and of the observance of treaty obligations respectful of territorial integrity, the definition of aggression and eventually the implementation of the Economic and Social Council will prove worthy of our friendly consideration.

The Dumbarton Oaks draft is a vast improvement upon the past. We have been invited to San Francisco by the four powers in whose keeping the responsibility for future peace is concentrated.

I put the cause of Czechoslovakia and the promise of her full co-operation into their hands. Flanked as they