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49 No other peace would be worth the sacrifices we have resume the alphabetical order in calling upon the followmade and are prepared to make again and the heavy re- ing speakers, representing the various delegations. The sponsibilities we are prepared to take under this Charter. chairman of the delegation of Ethiopia has designated the

We shall persevere in that faith until it is established Minister of Ethiopia to Washington, to speak on behalf for all mankind beyond any doubt of peradventure. Let of that delegation. us proclaim that faith in this great historic Charter.

The Chair now recognizes His Excellency, the Ethiopian MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, we will now Minister to the United States.

Sixth Plenary Session ...

Address by Blatta Ephrem Tewelde Medhen


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MR. TEWELDE MEDHEN: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates: It is with profound emotion that I, as representative of Ethiopia, address this historic gathering of nations convened to establish a new and effective organization for the preservation of collective security and world peace.

Today, I stand before you, representing an Ethiopia which has triumphed over the cruel hardships inflicted at the hands of a powerful adversary, an Ethiopia risen by the unflinching courage of its patriots, by the blood of its sons, and by the eroic sacrifices, never to be forgotten, of the British people who have so generously poured out their life blood for the liberation of our Empire.

Today, Ethiopia stands before the world as the first of the United Nations to be liberated; now, fortunately, joined by a host of nations who, likewise through the steadfast courage of their patriots and the prodigal sacrifices of the liberating armies of the great powers, now resume their place in the council of nations.

Ethiopia, and all the recently liberated countries of Europe, owe a lasting debt to the four great powers without whose sacrifices and unstinted assistance it would be impossible for us today to participate in the construction of a new world order.

The small nations of the world are especially grateful to the four great powers who, notwithstanding the tremendous burden of the war, have placed before all else the establishment of an organization for the preservation of the peace now shortly to be won.

At this moment, on the eve of victory, the thoughts of Ethiopia turn with those of the other United Nations in homage to the memory of him who lived and died for the defense and preservation of world peace, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

We, the smaller nations of the world, have been called upon to participate in the present Conference, not only because of the identity of ideals which binds us to the great powers in the present struggle and of our particular interest in the assurance of a lasting peace but also because it is upon the guaranty of the free and independent existence of the small nations of the world that any future world organization must be based.

The past 150 years have known many conflicts and wars between world powers, yet it is my suggestion that the clear majority of them will be found to have been first occasioned, if not caused, by disputes with or concerning smaller nations. It is consequently in the devising of an effective organization of collective security that the experience and the contributions of the smaller nations are of particular significance.

It is doubtful whether any nation is more fully qualified to voice the cautious warnings of experience than is Ethiopia, for rarely in history have the issues in all their majestic simplicity been so clearly posed or have received so clear a response.

It is neither necessary nor appropriate at this time to

advert to the details of an epoch which brought an end to the League of Nations and to the verge of destruction an innocent member of the family of nations. It is enough to state that the aggression was clear and unprovoked and was acknowledged by the concert of nations and that the reliance upon the forces of collective security as against a facile, timely, and profitable concession to the forces of aggression was deliberate and made with full knowledge of the costs and risks involved. It is clear that such reliance was acknowledged and accepted by the League of Nations and that the League of Nations had sought to fulfil its responsibility by the application of sanctions against the aggressor. It was, however, equally certain that the sanctions chosen werę decided upon and applied too late and were inadequate to meet the clear necessities of the situation. Notwithstanding the increasing gravity of events, the League, by refined subterfuges of procedures, eluded the application of the measures clearly essential to aid my country in its struggle against the aggressor. Moreover, the members of the League, in imposing an embargo on the export of arms to Ethiopia, in effect facilitated the task of the aggressor.

It is, finally, a matter of history that after the failure of repeated demands of the League of Nations to bring to a halt the decimation of an entire people by poison gas, following a campaign against overwhelming odds, His Imperial Majesty, my August Sovereign, addressed an ultimate call and admonition to the forces of law and order to join in suppressing aggressions against innocent states. That call went unheeded, and the League, in preferring the abandonment and death of one of its members, chose instead for itself defeat and dissolution. Had it not been for the courageous and unremitting resistance of our patriots and the overwhelming support of our British allies, it is probable that the fate of Ethiopia would have been determined forever.

Ethiopia would then be unfaithful to herself, to those here gathered, and to the ideals for which brave men go down today to death were she not to state but briefly the warnings and hopes born of experience and searching reflection.

In evolving a new organization for the preservation of peace, we have no choice but to bear in mind the organization of the former League of Nations in order, by an examination of its defects and failures, to avoid similar errors in the task that lies before us.

Public opinion of the peoples of the world, however enlightened and insistent, cannot of itself suffice to remedy the faults of a defective organization. My country was fortunate and honored in having had solidly behind it the sympathy and support of peoples throughout the world in its struggle against a callous aggressor. However, such sympathy and support could not prevail against appalling delays made possible by a defective Covenant and exploited to the full by an unscrupulous foe. They could not vanquish the fear of responsibility on the part

of the League or overcome its predilection for ad hoc not be denied that the absence of certain states from the organs created both within and without the League to former League of Nations rendered inefficacious the temabsorb and stifle the urgent demands of a desperately perate sanctions placed into operation by that organizawounded victim of aggression. Ethiopia was thus over- tion. The task and the responsibility of insuring colwhelmed by a vastly superior foe and abandoned by the lective security cannot be that of Europe, or America, League of Nations, notwithstanding the insistent voice or Asia, or of Africa. It cannot, moreover, be that of any of a unanimous world public opinion.

region, or of any particular group of powers. No longer will victims of aggression find support or In supporting the proposals of Dumbarton Oaks, Ethiosolace in resolutions of condemnation or of sympathy, pia finds it necessary to express the considered convicnor should it now be possible by procedures adapted to a tion that the direct responsibility imposed upon the Serequirement of unanimity, to escape the responsibility curity Council to act in behalf of all members should at for decision and for action that must be faced by all no instant be in any way diminished or relaxed, nor states desirous of maintaining collective peace and secur- should its effective intervention be in any wise retarded ity. All nations here represented must insure that the or impeded by the operation of regional agreements. The future Organization and, in particular, the Security Coun- Security Council should not be compelled, as was the cil, be enabled and be compelled to vote not resolutions or Council of the League of Nations, to stay its hand until recommendations but decisions, decisions not only of the machinery for the regional solution of conflicts should principle but decisions for immediate action for insuring have proved to have failed in its functions. We ought not the maintenance of peace pending solution of the prob- to agree to a Charter which would again give rise to the lems to be faced. The Security Council should be enabled to spoliation by procedure of the victims of aggression. vote its decisions promptly without possibility of obstruc- Finally, the Ethiopian delegation is profoundly contion and delays on the part of those whose interest it may vinced that no organization and no desire for peace, howbe to gain by time what cannot be achieved by consent. ever firm, can prevail unless the nations of the world

The peace-loving nations of the world must not be share the conviction that there can be no world peace called upon again as was Ethiopia to submit to what has except there be a peace founded upon the principles of been rightly called a "spoliation by procedure."

justice. The great powers at Dumbarton Oaks have chosen to The past ten years have proved to the world's infinite confer on the new Organization--and, in particular, on cost in terms of shattered lives and countries the prothe Security Council—the primary responsibility for the

phetic words of His Imperial Majesty, my August Sovmaintenance of international peace and security, and to ereign, when under tragic circumstances before the naprovide that in carrying out these duties under this re- tions assembled at Geneva he proclaimed that those nasponsibility it should act in behalf of all the members. tions who seek peace without justice will ultimately find However, in conferring so heavy a responsibility on their neither peace not justice. behalf, the member nations must have the positive as- Ethiopia has been too intimately identified with the surance not only that the Council can effectively reach ideal of collective security and has suffered too deeply and implement decisions with regard to both parties to in its defense to waver for one instant in her unquesthe dispute but also that once seised of a dispute the tioning support of such organization as will meet the Council will retain the direct and continuous responsibil- agreement of the nations here represented. She feels, ity of assuring a prompt solution.

however, entitled to bring to this historic Conference her It cannot again be tolerated that during a period of views and considerations shaped through long and tragic actual aggression, the Council should relegate the de- years. She is hopeful that her experience may assist in termination of vital problems to subordinate or extrane- establishing an organization which can turn to profit the ous commissions of investigation or conciliation, or that . errors of the past and devise a lasting monument to the the orderly procedure of the Security Organization be in- heroic sacrifices of the present generation. To that end terrupted and the application of sanctions suspended in she pledges her every effort and to that hope her undying order to call such additional and extraneous procedures allegiance. or organs into existence.

MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, the Chair recThe responsibility for the maintenance of world peace ognizes the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the chairman must, moreover, remain indivisible and universal. It can- of the delegation of France,

Sixth Plenary Session ...

Address by Georges Bidault


MR. BIDAULT (speaking in French; translation follows): Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: On this day of victory when, for the first time, I have the honor and privilege of speaking to you on behalf of France, I shall not try to hide my feelings of deep emotion.

The collapse of Hitlerite Germany which we are now witnessing is for the United Nations as a whole--and especially for my country, which this power of prey has laid waste three times during the past 75 years—an event at once so long awaited and so profoundly dramatic that our minds are struck by the incredible force of such a lesson given to the spirit of violence and aggression.

As a man who only a few months ago was still being hounded down in his own country, then entirely OC

cupied and savagely oppressed by a foe who today stands at bay, may I be allowed to include in one wholehearted tribute all those who, humble or glorious, have worked for our common salvation: the heroic Soviet Army, whose standards bear so many resJunding victories, from Stalingrad to Berlin; the valorous divisions of Great Britain and the Dominions, old and gallant comrades in our struggles; the magnificent American troops whose blood has been shed on our soil, so far from their own towns and countryside, for a cause which knows no distance, thus endearing to us still further the soil that received it and making more sacred still the harvest it has raised, and which is called freedom.

These armies, uniting their efforts, mingling their sac

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rifices, have taken the largest share of the common fight intend to renounce the rank which is ours and which, I reon the battlefields of Europe, after the tremendous initial peat, the misfortunes of yesterday have not prompted us shock of the assailant had, for the moment, knocked to give up today. France out, while their American, British, and Chinese So we have come together on the shores of this trebrothers-in-arms in other parts of the world were carry- mendous ocean. May its name be of good omen for the ing on a victorious struggle against the Japanese aggres- future of our peoples and for the peace of the world. sor, likewise doomed to disaster.

Is it not like a sign of fate that we have come here to With these victorious armies, according to the strictest the town of Saint Francis, that kindly man of peace ? In justice, are associated the regiments of Free France, the this town where our flags fly side by side in token of the soldiers of Bir Hakeim, Tunisia, Italy, Alsace, Karlsruhe, spontaneous and generous welcome extended to us, Stuttgart, and countless battles in every corner of the are undertaking our task side by side with many peoglobe, including Indo-China. I also wish to pay tribute to ples of the globe assembled together, but not yet all those all the fighting men of the United Nations, whose Bel- we should like to see here. I would make special mengian, Dutch, Polish, Czech, Norwegian, or Brazilian na- tion of war-torn Europe, and particularly heroic Poland tionality was often distinguishable only by insignia bear- who for centuries has been our friend. ing their country's colors on the sleeve of a common uni- And alas! We shall not see the man who was to preside form; the intrepid patriots of Yugoslavia and Greece, and over our meeting. We arrived here on the morrow of a all those soldiers without uniform, the men who carried great catastrophe, a great bereavement for the American on the resistance in oppressed countries, my own com- nation and for all the United Nations, especially France rades in France, all those who died mute under torture, -after the death of that great world citizen, Franklin all those who were deported to German concentration Delano Roosevelt. After all who preceded me on this platcamps, my comrades, my brothers who in the temporary form—and I shall certainly not be the last-I wish to defeat fulfilled their duty as Frenchmen and as citizens voice the gratitude that all who believe in the future of of the world.

mankind owe to him who, among the leaders of the peoA few hours ago I was told of the return home of some ples, was the herald of great causes and essential freeof these men and women who carried on with us that ter- doms. rible fight—that fight in which the enemy was every- World-wide mourning plainly showed how great was where and the front nowhere. May I salute them here, the loss. The admiration and affection of our peoples are before the whole world, because we owe it to them and with him forever in the grave where he was buried with because no one should doubt that France continued un- the simplicity which is a sign of greatness. The torch he ceasingly to do her utmost during the last phase of this carried to the end has been grasped by faithful hands. thirty years' war which had already cost her 1,500,000 I want to say on France's behalf that, as regards any lives.

matters of importance to the United Nations, from now In spite of treachery, France was never out of the fight. on we turn with full confidence to President Truman as There has not been one single day of the war on which the leader of a great people to which we are linked by Frenchmen have not fallen for the cause which is that friendly memories of a mutual aid which, in times of of the United Nations. Under the leadership of the man trial, has never failed. who is the symbol of our honor and of our determination Gentlemen, the task of the delegation chairmen who -General de Gaulle, who gave our country back her soul come to this platform at the start of the Conference's -Frenchmen have continued the struggle, both outside work is to outline the principles which inspire themand inside France, sometimes empty-handed, not merely principles which, so far as the general organization of to insure the existence of France, but also that of a world the world is concerned, represent the views of their govin which lawless might should not have the last word. ernments and countries.

Today, France is on her feet again. She is rebuilding I read something about the French standpoint being a her military and economic strength from day to day. She mystery. It is a mystery that is not mysterious. We inis once more taking her place, not only as a great moral formed all the United Nations in good time as to the power—which she never ceased to be—but also as a great amendments which, in our opinion and very likely in power in fact. On behalf of 100 million men in the mother other people's too, seemed to be a necessary improvement country and in the Empire-a community whose unshak- on the Dumbarton Oaks plan. able strength was so plainly shown to the world in time In what spirit did we study this plan? To put it briefly, of trial—I claim for France all her rights and all the re- we studied it in our traditional spirit, the spirit which, sponsibilities of a front-rank state.

during the period between the two wars, led us to proI would add that France, because of her century-old pose so many plans with a view to establishing and pertraditions, cannot dissociate her own cause from a world fecting the organization outlined in 1919. As long as cause of justice. She never fought for a cause which was there is a France, France will never tire of directing her not in keeping with the interests of humanity. France best thoughts toward the establishment of an internahas come to this Conference with the determined pur- tional statute which would bring about harmony among pose of bringing to the endeavor of all free peoples a con- the peoples and banish war forever. tribution worthy of her age-old ideal and of her special In the Dumbarton Oaks plan we found so many feaworld mission.

tures that were familiar to us that we naturally regarded Mr. President, the particular position of France at the it with a certain fatherly affection. That does not mean Conference has raised much comment. Some commenta- that we do not think it possible to improve on it or to add tors thought they detected a somewhat negative attitude, to it as regards certain items. I must say first that we are some ulterior motive, or some show of ill-humor. This not amongst those to whom collective security seems position is simply due to our desire to be honest with a dream, and in any case, I think it is dangerous to disourselves and with those who place their trust in us. dain the dreams of man. Faced with decisions with which we had not been asso- But in my country, as a result of war, there is not a ciated, and some of which we knew nothing about, we had single home which has not suffered in all it holds most to decline the offer made to us that we should recom- dear. And from all these homes, from all these people, mend a system on which we were not fully informed; but the delegation whose chairman I have the honor to be has this in no way signifies that at this Conference we do received an urgent appeal to see to it that the Organizanot mean to play our due part thoroughly, or that we tion we are to set up constitutes a real defense of peace. To conciliate the demands of this ideal with the pos- keep endless vigil in perpetual torment—an exhausting sibilities of reality is the first principle by which we want watch which finally leads the sentry to shoot at his own to abide.

shadow. We therefore mean to examine the proposed solutions In addition to the economic and social keystones, the with a rigor and an insistence in conformity with the international edifice needs another support. We were trials we have undergone and the risks we have run. pleased to see that the question of intellectual co-opera

With the destruction of Nazi might, we likewise mean tion, which France was the first to put forward, has been to put an end to the practice of unilateral interpretation taken up by China and many of the Latin-American and of treaties, and insist on respect for international law Mediterranean states. Faithful to her mission and to her which must be observed now more than ever, following traditional support of the predominance of the mind, this period of mental confusion when right was flouted France will advance suggestions to the Conference with every day.

a view to maintaining and reorganizing the Institute of Justice is another word we must reinstate in all its Intellectual Co-operation. loftiness—justice in keeping with international democ- First of all we must provide for essentials, and reduce racy, that is to say, justice which gives full recognition the problems to their simplest terms. to the rights of all countries, including those which do Above all, nations must feel confident and, to that end not come under the generally recognized term of great it is essential that we should clearly understand what powers-a point I would particularly stress.

constitutes for each country the conditions of its own seI am not convinced that every possible consideration curity. Not to have a correct appreciation of the security has been given to the nations called the small powers- needs of the United States, the Soviet Union, the British I do not know why they are called small, for it may hap- Empire, or other nations would lead us to misjudge the pen that they are not, either by their past or by their policies of each. population, or by the ideal they mean to serve. In any It is also necessary that our own conception of securcase, it is a fact that the proposals made at the Confer- ity should be understood. This conception is, moreover, ence allow for a dominant share to be granted to the applicable to the whole of what may be called the danger great powers, of which, I again repeat, France is one. zones, since we are geographically placed in the imme

This privilege was decided upon in our absence. What diate vicinity of one of the most dangerous. was called the veto of the great powers is certainly not Our expressed determination to procure the necessary in keeping with the legal ideal which, we do not despair, guaranties for our eastern frontier, the conclusion by will some day be established by common accord between the French Government of a treaty of alliance with the peoples.

Soviet Government, our declared intention to conclude But we know what the world of today is, we know that similar treaties with other powers as occasion arises, and apart from outside appearances, there is the question of finally our wholehearted adherence to the principles of what means a given state could bring to bear on the bat- collective security-all these elements are not only comtlefield if and when all other resources have failed.

patible but they complete each other. Each contributes its That is why the French Government will not initiate share to the construction of an efficient security sysanything which might result in complicating action de- tem. They might be compared to three ramparts of a cided in common by the great powers concerned.

fortress. Never would anyone in ancient times have For the moment we shall raise no definite objection thought of requiring the dismantling of one rampart on to this point in the Dumbarton Oaks plan.

the pretext that it weakened the other two. On the conIndeed, we believe it is indispensable that good under- trary, if the inhabitants of the inner fortress were restanding between the five great powers should be main- assured by the fact that there were three stone walls tained and developed in continued and close friendship between themselves and an eventual enemy, the defenders between all the nations assembled here. The material of each of these walls were encouraged in their turn by means of serving peace are largely in their hands. What the existence of two other lines of defense. We think that public opinion in all countries, great or small, is con- this is a question of common sense, and that the Internafidently awaiting, is the assurance of their agreement on tional Organization of tomorrow will be aided and not all world problems.

hampered if those countries which are most threatened If this agreement between the great powers is ever do their utmost to protect themselves by their own broken off, then may God have pity on us all! I say this means, and if those which feel threatened by the same with the sharpened perceptions of the representative of perils come to an agreement to protect themselves against a people rising from the abyss, with an instinct which those perils. makes up for lack of information-for we have been kept We are speaking here as people who know to their cost outside so many arrangements contemplated by this or that, to discourage any future attempt at aggression, we that country.

must bridge the gap between the lightning rapidity of It seems to me, Gentlemen—and I almost feel like aggression and the inevitable slowness of consultation. apologizing for this recommendation, but we know what Such is the purport of one of the amendments of the is at stake-it seems to me that it is the duty of each Dumbarton Oaks plan suggested by us. one of us to help with all our strength in this understand- That being said, we are ready, for the good of a new ing between the big Allied powers, not only because it world, to make such sacrifices of sovereignty as may be will constitute the fortifications able to protect peace agreed to in common and mutually recognized as necesbut because we shall have to build a world in which the sary to collective security. We are prepared to go as far germs of future conflict will be eliminated—a world pro- along this road as our partners in the general Organizatected by these fortifications.

tion. What must obviously be achieved is an economic char- But, I repeat, nothing could be more deadly than to ter regulating in particular the distribution of raw ma- build in uncertainty a castle of texts which did not corterials, a social organization in which labor questions on respond to reality. an international basis, with a view to reaching the best We must see to it that the peoples' expectations are not solutions, would benefit by very much greater and wider in vain. Millions of men, women, and children have peropportunities than those offered in most cases within a ished because the formulas of security in which the world national framework.

put its trust failed in their object. Failing this, a perpetually armed world would have to We have not the right to hold their sacrifices so cheap,


either by turning our eyes from the summits at which On the bridges of the Rhine, the frontier of France, they aimed or by compromising the peace of this flesh- the men of the Revolution inscribed these words which and-blood world for which they died.

still live today: "Here begins the Land of Liberty." We The widows and mothers of the United States—and I profoundly hope that throughout the universe redeemed say the United States because we are today in their midst by so much suffering and so much courage, the realm of and because the same thought, the same sorrowful pride, freedom, democracy, and right will extend from now on the same hope unite them to our own mothers and widows to all lands where, with the new wind which is rising, at home, from the Urals to Scotland and from China to peaceable men will seek to live. Australia—the widows and mothers of the United States Confident of her renewed strength, confident in the expect that the salvation announced to men of good will promises of the future, sure of herself to the point of whom we represent here will not be just a reprieve.

being the first nation to restore the normal play of demoIt has been said that this is our last chance. Perhaps cratic institutions by free and orderly elections so soon not, for Providence has endless resources. But whether it after such trials, France will wholeheartedly devote herbe the last or not, it would be criminal not to grasp it, not self to the great task of guaranteeing to the world the to tend it carefully so that hope will blossom forth.

security of all and the rights of each. What would we look like, what reply could we make, if, MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, before introupon returning home, processions of our heroes, martyrs, ducing the next speaker, I wish to introduce to you some and innocents were to ask us: “What have you made of very special guests we have with us this afternoon, some our victory, our sacrifice, our future?”

American soldiers, many of whom have been wounded California, where the blessings of Heaven and the riches at the front. These boys have come to us from nearby of earth combine to make it a Promised Land, inspires hospitals to be present with us this afternoon. They are an act of faith and of reason.

sitting in the back of the auditorium, and I am going to That the great republic of the United States has taken ask each of them to arise at this time. Boys. (The entire the lead in this discussion on world affairs from which audience stood and applauded the soldiers.) she kept apart 25 years ago, is undoubtedly one of the The Chair now recognizes the Minister of Foreign Afmost tangible, comforting, and valid reasons for hope. fairs and chairman of the delegation of Guatemala.

Sixth Plenary Session ...

Address by Guillermo Toriello


MR. TORIELLO (speaking in Spanish; English version as delivered by interpreter follows): Mr. President, Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: We cannot allows clouds of anxiety to obscure the horizon on which all humanity has placed its hopes and most fervent desires. The anguish in our hearts is now vanishing. The terrible shadows must disappear at this Conference in which the United Nations have assembled to construct a better world. It must be thus; otherwise there would be disastrous failure and the verdict of history would be against us. The admirable co-operation of all, and especially the sincere desire for harmony of the sponsoring nations in arriving at the solution of the most difficult problems, will determine the positive success of this most important Conference. They must demonstrate that the same spirit which united them in the battle against those who aspired to the subjugation of the world will continue to unite them now that victory is dawning, in the arduous task of constructing a new world where aggression, tyranny, fear, and misery are no longer possible, a world propitious for peace, justice, and the security of all.

If the powers of evil had triumphed in this war, the forces of violence would have prevailed over the forces of justice and right. Fortunately such was not the case. For this reason the small nations of the world have a profound faith in the juridical Organization which this Conference will give to the five continents, since law and the moral force of justice are the only security and strength of small nations,

Guatemala fervently desires that, in the future, rather than depending on armed force the security of nations be based on a world organization, such as that envisaged in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, an organization which will have sufficient power to check, in an effective manner, any act of aggression. As a peace-loving nation, confident that peace will be obtained and maintained, Guatemala has faith and the conviction that this time humanity will

not forfeit its opportunity-perhaps the last which will present itself, as His Excellency, Mr. Anthony Eden remarked—to prevent in the future the danger of another war which might possibly end our civilization.

Guatemala, faithful to the principles of continental solidarity and to the most noble humanitarian ideals, was one of the first to join the United Nations and, within the measure of her capacities and resources, has lent and will continue to lend sincere collaboration, not only during the period of actual conflict but in the constructive task which will follow the war, a task which is the immediate concern of this Conference. Guatemala, then, attends this Conference with great faith and enthusiasm.

In the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace, recently held in Mexico, Guatemala made pertinent suggestions with regard to the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, among which suggestions was the desire of the Latin-American republics to obtain adequate representation in the Security Council.

With regard to the International Court of Justice, Guatemala suggested that it should be given compulsory jurisdiction, so as to enable it to summon any state without regard to the nature of the case in question, and so that, acting in complete independence of the community of nations, it nevertheless might have the support of that community in the rendering of its decisions; and that it might render decisions ex aequo et bono on certain controversial matters, upon petition of one of the partiesan indispensable condition to the proper functioning of that tribunal. On that occasion, Guatemala also advocated the strengthening of the Pan-American system, a system which for fifty years has shown to the world the possibility of the peaceful co-existence of nations, founded on the principles of solidarity and co-operation. The effects of Pan-Americanism, which have been tangible on many occasions, especially since the treacherous attack on Pearl Harbor crystallized brilliantly in the Act of Chapultepec,

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