in which American solidarity found its most complete expression that of continental fraternity.

With this experience, and in harmony with the pacts of world and continental organization, Guatemala considers as a necessity the celebration of regional pacts between countries linked by geographic, social, and economic bonds. Thus Guatemala would view with especial pleasure an accord with her sister republics which form the Central American Federation, leading to the solution of their mutual problems and to their economic development.

The first step toward this understanding would be the reviving of the Central American Court of Justice, since it was the first institution of its kind in the world set up in a permanent form with compulsory jurisdiction, and one which set a magnificent precedent in international justice.

Guatemala firmly believes that the success of the political organization of the world depends, to a large degree, on an international economic organization which will enable all the countries of the world to raise the standard of living of their people, and to banish misery from the face of the earth. We must work toward the increase of production and consumption in our countries, in order that we may attain an economic condition of abundance and well being. In this respect, the functioning of the Economic and Social Council, provided for in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, will no doubt permit the orientation of international political economy toward this noble objective.

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The delegation of Guatemala wishes to go on record as being in harmony with the spirit which yesterday inspired the foreign ministers of the Americas, in sustaining so brilliantly the right of Argentina to be present at this Conference, and, through my voice, expresses profound satisfaction in the attainment of the total unity of the Americas and the incorporation of the Argentine Republic in the assembly of the United Nations.

The delegation of Guatemala, in rendering its warmest homage to the armies of the United Nations for the admirable courage they have displayed in the defense of human liberty, desires, as well, to emphasize the stirring and gallant participation of women, not only in the home front but in the battlefields as well.

Delegates, in this glorious moment, when the Allied armies are planting their victorious banners in the very heart of the Reich, let us invoke the memory of that illustrious and immortal statesman, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, whose spirit of justice will guide the steps of the nations assembled in this Conference.

MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, we also have another very special group of guests this afternoon, a group of wounded United States sailors and marines from the Naval Hospital near San Francisco. I am going to ask them to arise at this moment. (The entire audience stood and applauded the sailors and marines.)

MR. STETTINIUS: The Chair now recognizes the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of Haiti.

MR. LESCOT (speaking in French; translation follows): Mr. Chairman, my Dear Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen: Franklin Delano Roosevelt has passed into eternity having completed his journey here. His passing had that rare quality which we who admired him so profoundly found fitting to his indomitable spirit. He fell, like a giant tree struck down by a storm in the forest.

May I dwell for a few moments upon the memory of one who will remain an outstanding figure of the century, for I believe it our duty to adhere to the path laid out for us, a path already outlined in the blood of so many thousands of human beings. Franklin Delano Roosevelt never despaired of mankind; he professed an absolute respect for humanity. He had faith in the unshakable virtues of democracy, He believed with all his will in a just and enduring peace. He had cherished the greatest hopes in the work to be achieved at this Conference of San Francisco. The greatest homage we can pay to the memory of the Great Departed is to carry on the noble and difficult task he has left us, with all the wisdom and perspicacity of which we are capable.

I have already mentioned the blood which has run so freely on the battlefields in the defense of civilization. I cannot but avail myself of this opportunity to express the admiration and the deep gratitude of the Government and the people of Haiti to the governments and the peoples of the U.S.A., our great neighbor, of Great Britain and her Dominions, of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, of China, and of all the other fighting nations who have, with the rampart of their unflinching will, protected the world against the mounting floods of totalitarian barbarity. Let us likewise greet publicly and with deep affection the Government and the people of a country to which the Republic of Haiti is bound by ties that are strongest

after those of family, I mean those of language and of culture. We offer the homage of our sincere admiration to the country of the rights of man, to the country of dignity, clarity, and a sense of proportion, to the France of which none of us ever despaired, to France that is eternal.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the Government of the Republic of Haiti, which I have the honor of representing, has already made known at the time of the publication of the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals that it agreed with them in principle, and that it desires to become a member of an International Organization for peace and security that would be based on these principles. My Government, however, does not consider that the proposals are perfect and need no amendments. But it believes that the four great powers which formulated them at Dumbarton Oaks considered the problems of peace and security from a practical angle and are endeavoring to build an International Organization that will be capable of effectively preventing any recourse to war as a means of settling international conflicts.

The objection has been raised to the Dumbarton Proposals that they do not respect the traditional concept of the sovereignty of states. It does not seem superfluous to us to add here that international law cannot remain static, no more than civil or penal law. It must be capable of adapting itself to the changing conditions of life of the peoples of the world. The nationalism of former days, when states could remain isolated within their own frontiers, cannot belong to our modern times of rapid communications by air.

The concept of the sovereignty of the state may thus no longer be an inviolable principle. We must, however, insist that it is not only the small nations who would

As a belligerent state standing astride world communications between East and West, Iraq placed at the disposal of her allies the whole of her resources, particularly her means of communications. She has thus been enabled to take an active part in the struggle and will continue to do so willingly and gladly until victory is finally won.

The Iraq delegation comes to this Conference rejoicing and confident, rejoicing at the long series of brilliant victories gained by our allies on the field of battle, and confident because of the evident determination of every nation represented at this Conference to insure that this time the opportunity will not be lost; that we shall succeed in establishing an organization to secure world peace, an organization that is based upon the recognition of the highest principles of truth and justice, an organization which above all is armed with strong and efficient deterrent force, so that this time the great losses and sacrifices of the war will not have been made in vain.

But if those hopes are to be realized, it would appear that special study of the following principles is necessary: First, that the observance of the principles of right and justice is part and parcel of the task of guaranteeing true world peace and security.

Second, that while the special responsibilities that devolve upon the great powers entitle them to greater authority in certain matters, yet every nation, great or small, should feel that the general principle of equality of all states in the new world Organization is recognized and that it will be observed in practice.

To achieve this, it is necessary not only to increase the number of states represented on the Security Council but to have due regard for fair regional representation. In this way all states will have an opportunity to share in the responsibility as well as in the task of settling disputes and preventing war.

Third, that the nature and extent of the duties and obligations that are to be incumbent upon all states

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should be clearly laid down, and should be such that they can in practice be properly carried out by the states themselves, or if necessary enforced.

Fourth, that the composition and procedure of the Security Council should be of such a nature as will insure a prompt and just settlement of disputes between nations. Any elaborate machinery which would tend to delay the taking of prompt decisions and effective action might result in stultifying the whole value of the award and the measures taken to enforce it. Disaster might quite possibly follow from belated action.

Fifth, that the General Assembly should have jurisdiction over any dispute between nations which is likely to lead to armed conflict and which the Security Council has failed to settle either on account of disagreement between the permanent members, or for any other reason. In such cases, it should be the duty of the Secretary General immediately to convene a meeting of the General Assembly to consider the dispute in question and the decision of the Assembly carried by a two-thirds majority should be enforced.

In conclusion, I salute the future peace of the world, which is in your hands.

MR. STETTINIUS: Fellow Delegates, before introducing our next speakers I wish to announce that the plenary session as scheduled this evening for 8:30 will be held. I also wish to announce that a plenary session will be called for tomorrow afternoon at 3:30. Dr. Soong will preside this evening at the plenary session commencing at 8:30, and Mr. Molotov will preside tomorrow afternoon, commencing at 3:30.

We have two remaining speakers this afternoon, which concludes our program. First, the Chair recognizes the Vice President and the chairman of the delegation of Liberia, and he will be immediately followed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of Turkey.

The Chair now calls upon the representative of Liberia.

MR. SIMPSON: Mr. President, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: This opportunity to address the plenary session of the United Nations Conference on International Organization is indeed a great privilege.

On behalf of the Liberian delegation, I desire to say that we associate ourselves with other delegations in paying tribute to the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose foresight was chiefly responsible for the convening of this historic Conference in this delightful city of San Francisco.

The death of this great humanitarian and liberal is a severe loss not only to his country, but to all nations regardless of their size or potentiality.

I should like to observe that the Liberian delegation cannot but have mingled feelings on an occasion such as this. Speakers who have ascended this tribune have had occasion to refer to the brutal warfare and carnage which their countries have undergone over a number of years. I allude in particular to the representatives of China, France, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Greece, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, the Philippine Commonwealth, Yugoslavia. Ethiopia also has had her baptism of war.

Superior forces invaded, raped, and conquered their countries-our hearts and hopes went out for them, and we still have a feeling of the agony which they underwent

and must still endure. But we now rejoice that ultimately their liberation has come and that meanwhile their souls still remained unconquered.

It is indeed a truism that might may at times seem greater than right, but in the final analysis right and justice must and will prevail. Mr. President, I cannot refrain from making an especial reference to the heroic struggle which China for eight long years has made for survival and the maintenance of world peace. Some day recorded history will correctly appraise the indomitable character of the Chinese people.

To Soviet Russia we are indebted for the victories of her mighty armies in Europe, and particularly the epic struggle at Stalingrad, which will ever remain fresh in memory.

To the delegation of the United Kingdom may I observe that great praise and credit are due to your Government and people for your gallant struggle during the dark days of the war-I refer to the Battle of Britain—when hope seemed lost, and a democratic world was then hanging in fateful balances. It was then that His Majesty's Government and the people of London were determined and resolved that Britons would never, never be slaves.

It was with this conviction that Prime Minister Churchill said: "We will defend every village, every town, every city. we shall tolerate no terms, we shall tolerate no

parley, we may show mercy, but we shall ask none." Last, but not least, the natural gifts of leadership and vision of the late President Roosevelt, and of his capable and wise assistants, the industrial power and resources of the United States Government, have contributed most effectively to the prosecution of the war, the last phase of which we are now happily witnessing in Europe. The United States of America has indeed and in truth been called the Arsenal of Democracy.

I crave forgiveness for the time utilized, but members of the Liberian delegation are mindful of the narrow escape which their country had at the hands of Germany. We realize that the physical and economic servitude imposed upon other countries might have also been inflicted upon us, and it is for this reason that we are inspired to speak a word of praise to representatives of these countries whose struggles, whose sacrifices in toil and blood, have enabled us to survive and permitted civilization and democratic ideals to remain on the face of the earth.

It may be useful to state that at the outbreak of hostilities in Europe, the Government of Liberia assumed and consistently maintained an attitude of strict neutrality toward the respective belligerent powers. While Liberia originally endeavored to stand aloof from the conflict, yet the methods pursued by Germany to vindicate what she pretended to be her national rights and honor by the adoption of such means as the sinking, without warning, of unarmed passenger vessels of her enemies and neutrals, the bombardment of unfortified towns and villages, and the violation of the rights of small states, were such flagrant violations of the rules of civilized warfare as to justly create on the part of the Liberian Government grave apprehensions and fears of the eventual permanent establishment of the doctrine of might over right in the realm of international relations, which doctrine would only result in the complete subjugation and elimination of all small and weak states from the association of nations.

Hence, the Government of Liberia could not any longer continue to view with indifference and unconcern the great world conflict of arms.

Accordingly, it registered a solemn protest against the unlawful and inhumane acts on the part of the Axis powers by severing all relations with these governments.

A plan of collaboration between the governments of the United States and Liberia was concluded and announced, whereby United States forces were stationed in Liberia, thus fixing the Republic within the sphere of the activities of the United Nations.

In some respects, Liberia's activities in this war against the Axis powers might be considered negligible, but we take some pride in the fact that we have been the largest contributor of cultivated rubber to the Allied cause. This, we believe, has enabled tanks and jeeps and motor vehicles to roll on faster and surer to the very gates of Berlin.

With reference specifically to the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals and the labor these impose upon delegates at the Conference, I should like to say that the initiative on the part of the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and China in drafting a plan on world security and peace, prior to the conclusion of the war, is now unqualifiedly praiseworthy, and clearly indicates that the great powers who have had the means to wage wars and have not, when it seemed expedient, refrained from precipitating them, are not only determined and willing to solemnly bind themselves into a pact to keep themselves at peace, but to associate with themselves the rest of the peace-loving world in creating a structure for the common weal of mankind.

It is our sincere hope that the nations represented at

this Conference will complete the structure in a spirit of co-operation and mutual understanding.

The delegation which I have the honor to head would have me inform this assembly that, with the exception of a few amendments which are to be the subject of examination, the Government of Liberia is pleased to give support to the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals.

With a view to giving the Security Council full powers to maintain international peace and security, the Liberian delegation stands ready to support the recommendation contained in Article VI to the effect that representatives of the United States of America, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Republic of China, and in due course, France, should have permanent seats. The suggestion that the General Assembly should elect six states to fill the nonpermanent seats should be amended to seven seats, and that the General Assembly should elect, from the panel of member states not entitled to permanent seats, alphabetically seven states, which would serve a term of two years, and this procedure should be followed until the panel of states is exhausted. This course would enable all member states of the United Nations to be represented on the Council at some given time. If this suggestion is adhered to, it is quite possible that some of the pitfalls which occurred in the former League of Nations might be obviated. Acceptance of the foregoing proposal would be a further test as to whether a truly democratic principle can be maintained between an association of democratic nations.

It is also the view of the Liberian delegation that whatever study eventually may be given to the economic, social, and other humanitarian problems, relating to members of the United Nations, envisaged in Paragraph 3, Chapter 1, of the Proposals, the principle should emerge and be made crystal clear that this should not imply that a nation or the General Assembly may either interfere or intervene in the internal affairs of another state upon the assumption or decision that certain social or economic needs or reforms are desirable for that state. The state itself must reserve the right to determine the necessity for any such action; otherwise it would be relegated to the status of a dependency.

In conclusion, I should like to say that the people of all lands are with anxious solicitude hoping that as leaders and trustees of our respective governments our action in drafting a Charter for World Organization will not be dictated by mere individualistic or nationalistic whims, but by the realities of the situation confronting the world. We must, therefore, seek to formulate and build a system of international peace and security sufficiently strong to be relied upon not only for the crisis of threatened war, but for all times. It must not be based upon nationalistic selfishness, or imperialistic concepts, but upon the principle of justice and law for all nations, whether great or small.

I must, however, point out that experience has demonstrated that lasting peace and security can be looked forward to only if the great powers are themselves united and remain united in peace as they were in war. The moral values must be given precedence in the future and the will to preserve the peace must be likewise dominant in the life of nations. These qualities pervade the thinking of small nations to a greater extent, perhaps, then that of great powers, for not possessing the means to wage war, the dreams and hopes of small nations are only of world peace and the security of their rights and independence. This Conference may utilize this spirit in completing the structure for the prevention of war and the maintenance of peace by integrating to a larger extent the voices, and I might add the wisdom, of all small nations. Nearly two thousand years ago, the world's wisest statesma:

and humanitarian remarked for the benefit and guidance of the philosophers that "A little child shall lead them."

Let us devoutly hope that in the interest of an ordered and peaceable world, these United Nations will now and forever work together in order that true democratic

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civilization and human values might not be blotted out of the lives of future generations of this earth. I thank you. MR. STETTINIUS: Fellow Delegates, as our last speaker at this plenary session, I now present to you the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of Turkey.

MR. HASAN SAKA (speaking in French; translation follows) Mr. Chairman, Honorable Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, I wish first in the name of the Turkish delegation, to perform the pleasant duty of offering my sincere thanks to the Government of the United States for having taken the initiative of summoning this Conference on free and democratic American soil, and especially to the administration of this beautiful city of San Francisco which, in spite of all the difficulties to which a great war base is subject, has granted us the most cordial welcome and the most exquisite hospitality.

In mounting this platform, my first thoughts go out, with deep emotion, to the great man who is no longer amongst us and to whom we are all indebted for being gathered here. President Roosevelt was not merely a great national leader who inspired the love and the respect of his people, he was also a great human being whose whole thought and whose every effort were constantly intent on the creation of a world whose peoples would be free, happy, and prosperous, conscious of their rights and confident in justice.

In the name of the Turkish delegation, I bow my head before the memory of President Roosevelt and offer him my tribute of gratitude and thankfulness.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the Turkish delegation has already submitted to the Conference's General Secretariat a memorandum in which it discusses in general its considerations concerning the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals. I therefore wish to avoid wearying my listeners by repeating here our comments that have already been made public. Allow me, however, to summarize very briefly here the essence of these remarks, in order to explain their spirit and intention.

The Government of the Turkish Republic, which has fervently and militantly defended the principle of collective security, felt itself immediately in sympathy with the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, in which it saw the realization of a form of association of nations more mature and more perfected than the Geneva Institution, in that it allows preventive action, the lack of which was the primordial cause of the failure of Geneva.

In the opinion of the Turkish delegation, the new Charter ought to stipulate that this settlement of disputes should be sought in accordance with principles of law and justice. In conformity with the principle of the sovereign equality of all member states, the General Assembly, which is the true representative organ of the new Organization, ought to be endowed with more extensive powers than those provided in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, and especially ought to be granted all powers of control in making decisions pertaining to the maintenance of peace and security; this, of course, without limiting in any way the powers originally conferred on the Security Council. Likewise, while granting to the great nations which assume heavy responsibilities in the field of security more extensive powers than to the other states, the Turkish delegation considers that it would be

well to ensure a more real balance within the Security Council by increasing the number of its nonpermanent members and by likewise increasing the number of the minimum votes required to obtain decisions.

The essential innovation of the new Organization consists in the creation of a Security Council which would dispose of armed forces whose duty it would be to prevent aggression. Notably amongst its other duties and powers, the Security Council has the power of being able to recommend at any point in a matter under dispute for its settlement the most appropriate procedure and methods. In its application this ruling would result in allowing the Security Council to withdraw a suit whose judgment is pending from the jurisdiction of the Court in order to refer it to other bodies. The Turkish delegation considers that it would be more in accordance with the principles of law that the judiciary procedure, once it has been set into motion, should follow its normal course and that, moreover, the Council should protect the party to the dispute that comes before the Court.

The Turkish delegation believes that it is necessary to include within the Charter an exact and explicit formula that would determine whether a dispute is or is not of the kind that falls within the reserved class. And a recognition of the sphere of jurisdiction of the Court of Justice in this matter would be, it seems, an adequate solution to this problem.

In order to implement the machinery of regional arrangements, whose principle is recognized by the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, with the full effectiveness that is required of it and at the same time to set into motion the machinery of defense provided in such agreements, without having to submit to the inevitable delays in resorting to the procedure of military sanctions, it would be necessary to introduce some such automatically functioning arrangements as constituent elements of collective security, on condition, however, that they be used exclusively for purposes of defense and that the signatory states which might be led to make use of them be held to account by the Security Council for all the emergency measures which they might have been led to adopt as a consequence of such arrangements, and that they should also be bound to justify these as emergency measures. Finally, the Charter should contain some clause expressly devoted to the case of legitimate defense.

Such, in brief, are the considerations that were suggested to us by a study of the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals. Ladies and Gentlemen, I took occasion a few moments ago to tell you that Turkey felt itself immediately in sympathy with the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals. The causes for this sympathy are to be sought in the history of the Turkish Republic.

The fundamental document on which is founded the whole national and foreign policy of Turkey is the National Pact, published a quarter of a century ago, at the time of the foundation of the New Turkey. This document is nothing but an expression of faith in the principle of a