Слике страница

Turkish state whose limits would remain purely national; sure effectiveness of an international force offered to imwhich would enjoy national freedoms and recognize the plement right and justice and thus prevent aggression. right of all peoples to existence, to independence, to equal- But I attach as great a price to the organization of an ity, and to freedom, condemning aggression of every kind equitable world in which the rights of each would be and upholding as a doctrine the pursuit of peace both guaranteed under the auspices of justice in such a manner within and without the national frontiers. And the Turk- that respect for the new world Organization would be ish Republic, inspired by the principles that guided this founded, not so much on fear of having to submit to Pact that is founded on a broad and generous national sanctions as on the value unanimously granted to the ideal, has thus followed, in its national and foreign policy, abolute reign of a law that is equal for all as well as to a clear and straightforward course.

a system that would guarantee this law. It is in the same spirit that the Turkish Government The Turkish delegation is perfectly aware of the imheartily endorsed the activity of the League of Nations, mense difficulties that the United Nations will have to including the application of sanctions and the Nyon agree- overcome in order to achieve the result for which we all ments.

hope. But it knows also that peace, as we conceive it, can Confronted by the bankruptcy of collective security, my come only as the fruit of long labors and infinite patience. Government resolutely aligned itself with the peace-loving All untimely haste can lead us only to dangerous and nenations, even before the beginning of the present conflict. farious improvisations. The four great powers have suc

This summary stresses clearly the parallel that exists ceeded in establishing, at Dumbarton Oaks, the foundabetween the fundamental principles of Turkish foreign tions of the future Security Organization. This project, policy and the essential Proposals of the Dumbarton which is but a beginning, perhaps still reveals many imOaks.

perfections and insufficiencies. But these, in my opinion, The Turkish delegation has thus come to the San Fran- are mere initial lacks that experience and the restoration cisco Conference in order to bring its modest contribution of the unanimous and unreserved confidence of the peoples to the rebuilding of a world where right and justice would of the world in the new Organization would in time comprevail over any other considerations, a world whose evo- plement. And this fact does not weaken the unquestionlution through the years to come would bring it ever closer able value of the document submitted to our scrutiny and to the ideal in whose name we are here gathered to- discussion. gether.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the high moral tenor of the Ladies and Gentlemen, all mankind is grateful to the many speeches uttered since the beginning of our delibgreat Allied nations for their glorious effort, which has erations by the honorable chairmen of the delegations of been the determining and decisive factor in the defeat of the United Nations has clearly demonstrated that this Fascist and Nazi imperialism. A few moments ago, I assembly is moved by a noble spirit of co-operation. The stressed my belief that it would be right to entrust great Turkish delegation is happy to observe this gratifying expowers to them proportionate indeed to the heavy respon- pression of solidarity. And as long as this admirable unity sibilities that they will assume toward each other and is maintained, and it shall be maintained, we have no right toward other powers in order to prevent any attempt at to doubt of either the success of this conference or the aggression in the future. We are sure that the spirit and beneficent effectiveness of the new Organization that we the ideal that inspired their magnificent struggle will like- have been summoned to establish, nor, above all, of the wise determine useful decisions in the organization of great services that it can render, by its very existence, to future international security to which they will contribute humanity. all the material elements, and especially the moral ones MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, that brings to too, that such an undertaking demands. I said, “moral ele- a close the Sixth Plenary Session. We will adjourn and ments." And I certainly appreciate the great value and meet again at 8:30 in this room tonight. Thank you.

[blocks in formation]

MR. BELT: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, the Cuban delegation declares that it is anxious to contribute its share of sincere good will and intense effort toward the creation of an international organization based on the one outlined at Dumbarton Oaks.

Our delegation deeply feels its full responsibility and is not unaware that the task now before us is both arduous and difficult, but it has the firm conviction that the purpose for which the peace-loving nations are here convened will not result in a mere chimerical illusion.

For centuries, humanity has endeavored to achieve a closer union among all peoples, thereby outlawing war. Neither repeated failures, cruel deceptions nor unforeseen catastrophes have sufficed to dissuade her from persisting in the attainment of this goal. Today, once more, we gather here in this hospitable city of San Francisco, intent on an identical endeavor.

The task before us looms gigantic. Yet history has repeatedly taught us that what yesterday seemed an unattainable Utopia results in the positive progress of today and in the new and marvelous hopes of tomorrow.

All that surrounds us strengthens this conviction and enlivens our faith in ultimate success.

Let us consider the case of the United States of America: When the delegates of the Thirteen Colonies gathered in Philadelphia to adopt a constitution as a free country, it appeared almost impossible that colonizers of such divergent and dissimilar origins, beliefs, and traditions could ever finally integrate this powerful nation that is today, that is known by the name of the United States of America.

And if we look beyond her frontiers toward this entire continent, our eyes behold a firm union of nations, which, in 1826, seemed but a romantic dream conceived in the mind of the great Simon Bolívar.

If these two apparent Utopias of the North and the South have become a living reality, why should we not have unshakable faith in the union of all the peoples of the world, guided by identical ideals of liberty, justice, and peace?

To attain this goal, the indispensable factor is: faith in one another.

True, we cannot pretend, in a few weeks, to achieve the miracle of drafting a perfect world organization; but if we succeed in instilling into the proposed Charter a human and generous spirit, we will not have failed in our task.

We have come to offer humanity an instrument of peace: we have not come to barter advantages for advantages. Nor have we come in order to seek benefits at the expense of our neighbors. We must destroy forever the dangerous concept that right is that which is useful

exclusively for our nation, and substitute for it this other concept: Right is, in the final analysis, that which is useful for humanity.

If we disregard the necessity for making all reasonable concessions and justifiable sacrifices, neither we, nor our sons, nor the sons of our sons, will live in a peaceful world.

We recognize the fact that Britain, China, Russia, and the United States of America have won the war, and that by their great heroism and unnumbered sacrifices they have crushed our common foe.

We fully realize our inability to build a world organization capable of maintaining peace and security, if we do not have their generous co-operation, great experience, fabulous resources, and enormous strength. But it would likewise be impossible to construct an organization capable of maintaining peace and security, if the great powers should pretend to impose their decisions, based on their superior force.

"Let us only hope," with the Chinese philosopher, "that the dream of world organization may have less the character of the Delian Confederacy. The tragical motivation of that historical drama was that the heroine, Athena, democratic and brilliant and arrogant, loved freedom of the other cities."

The Cuban delegation will strive for a world organization based on nothing more, nor less, than true democracy. Or in other words: equal rights for all nations and submission to the will of the majority.

Nevertheless, it may be desirable in certain cases to require a vote by some proportion larger than a majority, but never to require unanimity, because this would

an exceptional privilege whereby a single vote would make null and void the votes of all the other members of the Organization. This procedure obviously would be contrary to the very essence of democracy.

In reference to the Security Council as outlined at Dumbarton Oaks, the Cuban delegation wishes to state that we are against permanent members in the Security Council, for this also constitutes an utterly undemocratic privilege. Nevertheless, we recognize the necessity of the full co-operation and presence at the Council of the representatives of the powers who, through the might of their resources and the sacrifice of their peoples, are bringing this war to a victorious conclusion.

And as regards the International Court of Justice, we consider that its resolutions must be compulsory for all the members of the Organization.

After yesterday's session in the Steering Committee, I do not need to insist on our stand in the matter of the inter-American regional system, of which we are justly proud. It is our conviction that this system should


function autonomously within the world Organization, in will be carried on by President Truman, genuine repreorder that the single vote of any member of the Security sentative of all that is best in this great American nation. Council may not annul its decisions.

In conclusion, let us humbly pray that with the help It is impossible for me to mention the inter-American of God, we may attain the goal of peace on earth, good system without expressing our deep joy and happiness will toward men, and that the Golden Gate of San Franfor the splendid demonstration of union and solidarity cisco will be the wide and miraculous entrance through that the American republics gave yesterday in this as- which humanity will advance toward that new and better sembly—a union and solidarity which had its greatest world to which we all so anxiously aspire. apostle in the best friend the Americas ever had, Franklin MR. SOONG: The Chair next recognizes the Minister for D. Roosevelt. His great spirit will guide us always, and Foreign Affairs and the chairman of the delegation of we are confident that his human and generous policies Luxembourg.

Seventh Plenary Session ...

Address by Joseph Bech


MR. BECH (speaking in French; translation follows) : Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: The night before his death, President Roosevelt wrote this phrase in his last address: "The only limit to our realizations of tomorrow will be our doubts of today ...

It seems to me that, from the outset of our work, this thought of the late President should be ever present in our minds, just as I think it will be well, at critical moments in our discussions, to turn our thoughts toward the already haloed figure of the great humanitarian, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, whose faith in a better world was never shaken by doubt and whose indomitable will to make this world a reality was never crippled by discouragement.

Among the peoples of the earth who mourn him is my little country, which the President held in particular affection. He never missed a chance to express this affection or to show it in his actions. How can we find words to express our sorrow and our gratitude to the memory of the President and to the great American nation whose triumphant armies have liberated our territory and restored our independence and freedom? Not far from my country's capital, thousands of American soldiers who fell in the battle for the Ardennes lie beneath their wooden crosses. Far from their native land, they rest in the soil they liberated with their blood. There they sleep, surrounded by the affectionate devotion and boundless gratitude of a small sister nation. Their last resting place will remain forever one of the sacred shrines of Luxembourg.

When I think of these dead and of the millions of others who fell, victims of Teutonic and Japanese aggression, the mere thought that our work could end in failure seems sheer treason.

We have come together here to prevent this terrible slaughter from recurring. Our predecessors failed in this after the first World War. Yet in spite of the failure of the first institution set up to maintain peace, the peoples have kept faith in international solidarity. They will not permit, they would not forgive their leaders if they returned to a policy of balance of power, which would inevitably result in a race for armaments heading straight for another war.

The protection of peace can only be insured on the basis of collective security. The Geneva League is dead, but its fundamental principle, the spirit of international solidarity, lives again in San Francisco. The best proof of this is that the Dumbarton Oaks plan resembles the Covenant like a brother—a more robust brother, a more realistic one who has cast aside the Utopian dreams of his elder and gained wisdom and experience from past errors and misfortunes.

I feel sure you will allow me, as an old Genevese, to

salute the memory of the late President Wilson and of the great and worthy pioneers who after the last war, for the first time in history, dared to put their trust in the solidarity of mankind in order to insure peace. If they failed, and failed nobly, it is because, as Winston Churchill said at Harvard, their work was neglected and betrayed. Like the late President Roosevelt who invited us to attend these new peace meetings, President Wilson was a son of this great country whose soul is a happy blend of idealism and realism.

The United States, together with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, are today among the United Nations which will assume the responsibility for maintaining peace.

One of the chief causes which undermined the Geneva venture is thus ruled out. The League of Nations was intended to be armed, but it was born without shield or sword-in other words, it was still-born. The international organization born of our discussions will have the necessary armed forces to insure respect for its decisions. A great French writer once said that a judge is nothing but a poor dreamer unless he is backed by a police force. Taking national selfishness into account, what could be expected of Geneva's judge ?

Who can deny that the powers, and privileges which the five principal guardians of the future Organization have taken upon themselves and ask us to confirm are rather exclusive? But should we really have expected that the great powers, in coming here, and we too in our turn, could forget that it was they who brought the German giant to his knees, that it is they who tomorrow will make an end of his Japanese accomplice, and, moreover, that it is they too who will have to shoulder the greater part of the responsibility in warding off and overthrowing any future aggression?

Authorized spokesmen of the great powers have stated that the text of the Dumbarton Oaks plan which sanctions the rights and obligations of these great powers, far from being inspired by a spirit of domination, are designed to serve better the common cause of the United Nations. I accept the omens, and I hope and believe that there will be some way of conciliating the principle of equal sovereignty for all peaceful nations, as stressed in the Moscow declarations in a system which will take into consideration the responsibility of the great powers.

Gentlemen, as the representative of a small country whose voice must be a humble one in the concert of the nations, it would be ungracious of me not to follow the advice given us this morning by our chairman to make our speeches brief.

Let me just say that my country brings to this Conference the most active and trustful good will.

The plan submitted to us is fair. It promises only what setting up of an international order founded on justice. it can reasonably accomplish. It does not hold out to us It is up to us to create this international order. Our the myth of promising permanent peace and security. success depends on how we answer this question: Who It only aims at guaranteeing the maximum security which comes before justice or peace? can be achieved in the imperfect world in which we live. It has been said that the Charter we are about to give It is true that it offers no guaranty against another the world will have no worth apart from the spirit with catastrophe in the event of misunderstanding between the which we imbue it. great powers. But so far even the most fanatical theoret- May we all resolve to serve the future International ical planners have not found the magic formula which Organization, and not to use it as an instrument to prowould provide this guaranty.

mote our nation's interests and seek to make them prevail. The Dumbarton Oaks plan is a suitable one, and will May I, before ending, recall a parable ? work as long as we remain united in the spirit which ani- A man was passing near the site of a new cathedral. mates us all today, large countries and small; to oppose He asked one of the workmen what he was doing, and war with the will to peace of hundreds of millions of the man replied: “I am breaking stones.” A second workmen. Whatever changes our discussions may bring about man said: “I am earning my salary," and a third, to whom in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, the new International he put the same question, turned his eyes, bright with Organization for the maintenance of peace and security religious fervor, toward the half-finished cathedral, and will not reach perfection.

answered, “I am building a cathedral.” Still it will have the great advantage of being able to May the spirit and faith of that workman animate all insure the maintenance of order immediately and for as of us here who are called upon to build the framework long as we remain faithful to it in the future. Sheltered of peace, and the name of San Francisco, the name of the by the security it will achieve, it will be possible to or- Saint whose life was a single canticle of peace, will be ganize the world on the basis of recognized and ratified blessed by generations to come. international law and to restore the sway of right over MR. SOONG: The Chair now recognizes the Prime Minmight.

ister and Minister of External Affairs, the chairman of In the past, peace meant absence of war, and not the the delegation of New Zealand.

Seventh Plenary Session ...

Address by Peter Fraser


MR. FRASER: Mr. President, Fellow Delegates and Ladies and Gentlemen, as so many of the delegates have said, we are meeting under the shadow of a great and tragic loss. Never in history was the loss of any person so widely mourned, nor was there ever such a widespread sense of personal loss on the part of the masses of the people throughout the world. Millions of ordinary folks who never had any opportunity of meeting Mr. Roosevelt felt that they had lost a personal friend. He had made such a deep impression upon them with his concern for the peace and security of the world on the one hand, and on the other his deep desire to benefit the mass of the people—the common man—and particularly the underprivileged. New Zealand has sent her message of sympathy to the American nation, and we sympathize with the United States in the loss of one of its greatest statesmen, a President who will rank with Washington and Lincoln and Jefferson. The name of Roosevelt will ever be in the forefront because he belonged to the world as well as to the United States. He will ever be in the forefront of history.

My thoughts go to his life companion, to Mrs. Roosevelt, who so ably and steadfastly and courageously stood by her husband's side in support of every good cause. I would like, and I know every delegate, everybody in this hall tonight, would like her to know that we are thinking of her, and our kindest thoughts go out to her in her bereavement and sorrow.

The Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Mackenzie King, referred to Mr. Cordell Hull. I would like to associate myself with that reference. Mr. Hull worked so hard to translate the ideas and conceptions and ideals of President Roosevelt in regard to a world organization into actual operation that it must be a deep disappointment to him not to be with us. I hope that his health will so improve that before the Conference adjourns, we can welcome Mr. Hull among us, and he will be sure of a re

ception worthy of his great work and achievements in promoting international freedom and security.

Already the summoning of this Conference and the steps taken to organize it are considerable achievements. The fact that the United Nations in the midst of war will turn to the work of preparing for peace, and I hope permanent peace, is characteristic of the attitude and outlook and objective of the United Nations during the whole of this world catastrophe. The United Nations went to war to prevent and to stop aggression and to establish peace on a sound foundation. It is something to be proud of that we are meeting in the midst of a war that in the Pacific is likely to continue for some considerable time. We are meeting in the midst of war to establish peace.

And I want to express my own great satisfaction at the spirit in which the Conference opened, at the tone of the opening speeches of Mr. Stettinius, of Mr. Soong, of Mr. Molotov, and of Mr. Eden. There was evident a burning desire to establish an organization that will give us world security, and there was also a breadth of view and tolerance that was most encouraging. They said that the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals were not sacrosanct; not above criticism. They did not say that the Proposals could not be amended, but that they were open for amendment. Indeed, the representative of the Soviet Union said elsewhere that there would not be much sense in calling a Conference and submitting the Proposals unless they were open to amendment. That is the spirit in which I hope the Conference will be continued.

One word about references that have been made to the part—the very noble part—played by all the United Nations who participated and still participate in the war. I don't think that it is possible to evaluate the contribution of any nation, Poland, France, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Greece, China, the British Dominions, the smaller nations, some of whom will be important nations once more, all gave of their

[ocr errors]

utmost. They gave and are giving to the full limit of their that, however creditable the achievement of Dumbarton capacity, to the full extent of their resources, and they Oaks has been--and we give it full credit-however fine a have suffered accordingly. The European small nations spirit of mutual accommodation and co-operation has that I have mentioned chose the path of honor and risks been, we still think that there is room for improvement -sacrificed everything and risked extermination as na- and that there are a number of glaring weaknesses which tions rather than betray the cause of mankind—and I we suggest an effort should be made to remedy. include the nation of my predecessor at this table, Lux- First of all, I would say that a great weakness is the embourg, which has played such a splendid part.

absence of any definite pledge of the members to protect I cannot single out the achievements of the United one another from aggression. There is no clear declaraKingdom, but I should just like to point out that after tion that the security of individual members is the obDunkirk, Britain alone, with only her daughter nations jective; no embodiment of the stirring claims of the Ataround her, held the pass for mankind. If Britain had not lantic Charter. And I would pause to say that we who stood firm, and ready to fight in the streets and in the welcome the Charter, who have hailed it as the Magna hills and the valleys of her country, then the cause of Carta of mankind, do not think that it was ever intended freedom and justice would have been overthrown and simply as an indication. We believe that when it was trampled underfoot.

brought forward it was meant by President Roosevelt I have no time to portray the retreat of the Russian and Mr. Churchill as a document to help in the emancipaarmies to Stalingrad or their recovery and reorganization tion of mankind. and their triumphal march to Berlin.

That document rang out in these words: That the And I have no time to do adequate justice to the con- peace we aim at is one which “will afford to all nations tribution of the United States, which began when the the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaPresident on behalf of his Government and of the nation ries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in gave help and assistance to Britain and the other United all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from Nations, then in such a perilous position; and when the fear and want." Lend-Lease proposals were brought forward—the most We suggest that there should be an unequivocal pledge generous action of a nonbelligerent power toward a power to resist all forms of aggression. at war in the history of the world. From that moment I see it suggested in the press that our Russian friends to the time of Pearl Harbor the organization of America's are contemplating something of the kind, to produce mighty resources and its wonderful achievements on land, something of that nature. I am not aware whether that sea, and air, in Europe, in Asia, and in the Pacific, until up is so or not, but I sincerely hope that something will be to the present moment of its rapidly increasing triumphs, done in that direction. There should be some international America has stood behind us first and then came with us rule of conduct, some standard by which to judge a nashoulder to shoulder. Without the large nations—without tion's conduct; and I submit that that is unfortunately Britain, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the missing in the present Proposals. United States—there would have been no triumph; rather New Zealand would wish the Charter we are about to a world dominated by eternal tyranny. But neither could draft to place at the core of the undertakings which the the great powers have carried on successfully if it had members assume, an unequivocal pledge to resist all acts not been for the steadfast stand taken by some of the of external aggression against any member of the Orsmall powers and the rallying around of others.

ganization. We think that this provision, more than any One word about New Zealand's part. As soon as the other, would give life and meaning to the world Organizacable came from the British Cabinet that Britain was tion and would assure to all states a positive advantage at war with Germany, New Zealand sprang to the side in adhering to the Charter. of our mother country and from that moment, because The peoples of the world deserve to know-they have a we knew that if aggression had not been stopped earlier, right to know—what rule of conduct is to guide their asa stand had to be taken then or all mankind would be sembled representatives in deliberating every critical overwhelmed, and from that moment, like our sister phase of the relationships between nations. They should Dominions, Canada and Australia, and South Africa, and know by what measure, or standard, the acts of their own India, all under the British flag, have organized to the country, or other countries, should be measured. They limit of our capacity. Our casualties have been 1 in 47 should have the international rule of conduct set before of our population. Our deaths have been 1 in 151 of our them clearly and simply; and, in the opinion of the New population. No country has suffered more casualties as Zealand Government, this can be done only by a universal far as I can ascertain, but New Zealand will count that pledge by each and every nation that all acts of external as a worthy sacrifice, however hard it is upon the people aggression should be resisted. and the homes and the mothers of our country, if at this I should add that while the territorial integrity and Conference we can lay the foundations of security among political independence of each member should be prethe nations and have peace on earth.

served against external aggression, changes in the status As I have said already, there has been no attempt on quo should at the same time be possible, although not the part of the spokesmen of the four great powers to under force or threat of force. The Declaration of the hold up Dumbarton Oaks as sacrosanct, or to say: "Here Act of Chapultepec, agreed to by all the American naare our proposals. Take them or leave them.” As a matter tions in Mexico City recently, would meet what we conof fact, if we are successful at this Conference, then we sider to be an imperative necessity. There the words are will save mankind, and there can be no question about set forth in the Act of Chapultepec, to which 20 or 21 the good will in the Conference or the good will that is of the American republics have given assent- a docuexpressed among the delegates. But good will in itself, ment that they have accepted and signed—there we have however estimable and helpful, is not enough. We must a declaration, a pledge in regard to aggression which see to it that the machinery that is to translate that good might very well be adopted, modified to suit the occasion, will into actual operation for the benefit of mankind is in our proposed constitution. efficient and can do the job t'at we intend to do.

The second major deficiency which we see in the DumThe New Zealand Government has carefully examined barton Oaks Proposals is the excessive authority which the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals and we think that they is conferred on the great powers. We fully realize that are, on the whole, admirable and a great contribution the primary condition for the success of the Organization toward the goal that we are aiming at. But we also think is that the more powerful nations should remain united

« ПретходнаНастави »