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in support of it, and we realize also that no security pro- VIII of the Draft Proposals would probably mean war gram is worth pursuing unless it commands the adher- between the nations on the Security Council and the deence of the great powers. We feel, however, that the part linquent nation, and that would be a dreadful calamity, which the smaller powers may take in framing the de- and indeed a catastrophe, which no one would wish to cisions of the world Organization could, without any loss contemplate. It can be asked, then, is the result not the of security, be enlarged.

same whether there is a veto power or not—namely the On matters of peace and war, no responsible govern- successful defiance of the decision of the Security Council. ment, large or small, can sign away its right to pass My answer is that there is a great difference between a najudgment itself in its own parliament and through its tion defying the Council in violation of its pledge to accept, own constitution and forms.

observe, and loyally abide by that decision, and a nation The country which I represent has never shirked its being legally empowered to defy the Security Council, and responsibilities in the defense of freedom and the demo- that is what the provisions mean at the moment. cratic way of life. These responsibilities mostly have been

Under the Draft Proposals, after a great power by comcalled for and mostly been fulfilled in times of war when mon consent and agreement has been solemnly indicated the price of shouldering them has been at its highest as an aggressor, obviously nothing further can be done if peak—the price that is measured in death and bloodshed that power exercises its right of veto. It "gets off with it." and sacrifice. New Zealand asks that she now be given It is also clear that if the veto is exercised in such a case, an opportunity to meet adequately her responsibilities in defiantly and perhaps even cynically, the faith of men and a time of peace. We are not prepared to consent to be of nations in the world Organization would collapse. The relegated to a position of "theirs not to reason why, veto of the five large powers should not be insisted on. theirs but to do or die.”

But apparently the veto is a condition up to the present I do not for a moment overlook the fact that the great moment of the unity of the three powers-Russia, the powers must have inevitably a predominant voice on mat- United States, and the United Kingdom in the promoters which call for the use of armed force. But, clearly tion of the world Organization. It may be an inevitable there will be difficulty in the way of accepting a proposal condition. If this is so, I am afraid that the other coununder which the great powers retain for themselves the tries will have no option but to accept it, because I believe right to say in every important case whether the Organi- that any organization that will bring the nations of the zation shall act or not and whether they themselves shall earth together to discuss matters of importance to the be bound or not, and are at the same time vested with the world, even if that discussion is to a large extent frusright to deny the smaller powers not only a vote but a trated and negatived, is better than no world organizavoice in these matters.

tion. At the same time, while accepting the distasteful In our view the powers of the General Assembly should and possibly disastrous veto, there is no need for us to therefore be so wide as to give that body the right to con- justify or applaud it, or to refrain from efforts in future sider any matter within the sphere of international re- years to have it removed. lations.

But what about the veto which can be exercised by one The Security Council would have its specific powers of the permanent powers on the Security Council in rebut the powers of discussion and recommendation of the spect to aggression by other nations ? Surely the inclusion Assembly should not be constitutionally limited.

of this particular form of veto has been unintentional. I We would also propose that when sanctions are called believe that it was never intended that a great power for by the Security Council, endorsement by the As- should be entrusted with the right of veto in regard to the sembly should normally be required, and that all mem- aggression of a small power. If this use of the veto surbers should be bound by the Assembly's decision.

vives it will bring about a situation that will be preposThis course should not necessitate any delay in taking terous and will destroy respect for the world Organizaaction, since there are likely to be in the future, as there tion. For instance, one small power may be an aggressor have always been in the past, some indications—some at against another small power, but one of the great powers any rate—some indications of even a rapidly developing can even veto the matter being made a subject for condangerous situation, and, in cases of extreme urgency, sideration by the Security Council. the Security Council should have power to act. In our It is even held by some who have studied the Proposals, view so long as the Council does not falter in its duty that a great power could prevent any discussion in such and acts in accordance with the principles of the Charter, circumstances, but I am of the opinion that discussion the other members of the Organization will be both eager

could take place in the Security Council up to the point and willing to support it as the occasion may require. when a vote is taken as to whether the question is one

Another matter of major importance to which I wish for the Security Council to consider and handle. to refer concerns the veto rights of the great powers. If a great power could cast a cloak of protection over Can proposals embodying this principle and prerogative a small aggressor power by the exercise of the right of possibly be regarded as a sound basis for the building veto, then the work of the Security Council would be reof a lasting world organization ?

duced to complete futility. The veto which can be exe sed by one of the great While we feel that the veto as a whole should not and powers, both in regard to itself and other nations, is un- cannot survive as a permanent arrangement, we are firmly fair and indefensible and may, if retained and exercised, of the opinion that if its adoption in some form is inbe destructive not only to the main purposes of the Inter- evitable its operation should be restricted exclusively to national Organization but to the Organization itself. For enforcement action under Chapter VIII, Section B. instance, under the existing provisions one of the five This matter has admittedly been the subject of much permanent members, which may clearly be an aggressor, discussion and already the great powers have made concan use its power of veto to prevent its own condemna- cessions. They have not asked for the power of veto in tion, or even its designation as an aggressor.

their own cases up to the point of the application of sancIt is quite true that even if the power of veto was with- tions, but under the present provisions they will retain the drawn, one of the great powers, after it had been desig- veto in the case of others, both for the application of nated as aggressor by the Security Council, could decide sanctions and for the preliminary stages. The New Zeato defy and flout the decision of the Council. In that case land Government considers that this proposal is not only the enforcement of the Council's decision by the means wrong but ridiculously and absurdly wrong, and should mentioned in paragraph 3 of Section (B) of Chapter not be upheld. I feel certain that the decision arrived at was never arrived at intentionally and therefore can faith, that the members will never again allow agbe corrected at this Conference.

gression in any shape or form in any part of the world. Another matter to which I would refer concerns trustee- I speak for a country which although small in area ship. In our view the Charter should include the applica- and population has made great sacrifices in two world tion of the principle of trusteeship to the government of wars. I speak for New Zealanders who have died and are dependent peoples. The object of that trust is the welfare buried thousands of miles from their own land in a cause of those peoples, and the powers to be conferred on the they believed to be just, and I speak for millions of New Organization to this end should be the subject of discus- Zealanders yet to be born. sion and negotiation.

This is a moment of time which will not recur in our Finally I would like to stress the supreme importance lives and it may never recur again. The world may well be for world security of effective economic and social co- bound for all time by what we who are here today make operation. The New Zealand Government therefore at- of our heavy and onerous responsibility here and now. It taches great importance to the provisions of the Charter is my deep fear that if this fleeting moment is not captured respecting the functions of the Economic and Social the world will again relapse into another period of disilluCouncil.

sionment, despair, and doom. This must not happen. As I stated at the outset of my remarks, the main- There appeared in the San Francisco Chronicle or tenance of peace is the paramount problem that confronts Thursday last a grim and moving picture of the cemetery us. This is a moral problem and not merely a mechanical of the Fifth Marine Division on Iwo Jima. Underneath one to be solved by procedures, however carefully devised were these words: and comprehensive their nature.

FOR US THE LIVING-row upon row the graves The failure of the League of Nations, one of the at Iwo Jima testify to the cost of that little island noblest conceptions in the history of mankind, was a alone--a cost that delegates of the San Francisco moral failure on the part of the individual members, and Conference are resolved shall not have been in vain. was not due to any fundamental defect of the machinery The men of the Fifth Marine Division who lie in this of the League. The League of Nations failed because its cemetery fought that their sons and grandsons would members would not perform what they undertook to per- not have to fight, and the United Nations' discussions form. It failed because of the recession that took place in here will carry on that battle, to implement the public morality in the face of the rising tide of Fas ism peace, to organize for security, to insure that there and Nazism. It failed because the rule of expedienc: re- will be no more farflung graveyards to mark the placed that of moral principles.

path of future wars." I would therefore stress that unless in the future we These words, and the photograph of the graveyard, have the moral rectitude and determination to stand by which can be multiplied time and time and time again alour engagements and our principles, then the procedures most without number in every part of the world where laid down in this new Organization will avail us nothing, battle has been joined with the forces of tyranny and ag. the sufferings and the sacrifices our people have en- gression, these words point for us the lesson and the task. dured will avail us nothing, and the countless lives of I hope, and you hope, and the world hopes that we will those who have died in this struggle for security and be big enough for the task and that we can accomplish freedom will have been sacrificed in vain.

it and save the world from future war, aggression, bloodI would plead most earnestly that the members of shed, and soul-destroying tyranny. the new Organization should seek international equity, MR. SOONG: Finally, the Chair recognizes the Minister both political and economic, that the members will in for Foreign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of all circumstances keep their pledged word and their Venezuela, who will be the last speaker of the evening.

Seventh Plenary Session ...

Address by Carraciolo Parra Perez

CHAIRMAN, THE VENEZUELAN DELEGATION

MR. PARRA-PEREZ (speaking in French; translation follows): Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates: It is indeed difficult to believe that any international assembly has ever been more important than this one in San Francisco, both because of the task assigned to it and because of the time of its meeting. And it is most encouraging that, even before having won total victory and although we are actually on the eve of this great event, the United Nations should have already determined to organize peace on a sound and equitable basis. All men await with bated breath the event which humanity has so ardently desired ever since the beginning of this tragic era. The campaigns of the United Nations against the German aggressors have already met with a most brilliant success, and we can also see dawning a victorious conclusion to their campaign against the Japanese aggressors and the end of the sufferings of the peace-loving nations of the world.

If an atmosphere of optimism can arise from the ruins which invading armies leave in their path, it must certainly exist in the will, proven by our presence here, to create an international organization which would prevent

a repetition of these aggressions. And it is evident that no moment could have been more propitious, for an attempt to establish peace, than this one, when the war effort is reaching its zenith and as the victorious powers co-operate in a brotherhood that we would like to see ever more close and more lasting. What indeed could be the final objective of the United Nations if it is not precisely to establish an organization capable of preventing the repetition of this ghastly tragedy. To affirm that peace is one and indivisible is an elementary truth; and just as it was absolutely necessary to pool the energies of so many nations, with each one contributing according to its abilities, in order to overcome the aggression of the totalitarian powers which had set out to conquer the world, so is it today necessary that the peace-loving nations co-operate actively and without any reservation in order effectively to guarantee peace.

All the United Nations have contributed and are still contributing to ensure the victory of our common ideals and interests. But there are some, among them, whose terrible sacrifices have earned the respect and the grati

are

tude of the whole world. The courage of the occupied spare you an exposition of our views, especially as they countries has been unequalled, likewise the spirit of re- have been expressed in a memorandum that has already sistance of peoples which the military machine of the been distributed among all the delegations. In formuaggressor nations was never able to break, even in the lating these amendments, Venezuela was inspired by its darkest moments and when their triumph appeared, in the traditional devotion to the principle of universal co-opereyes of many, unavoidable. This spirit of the occupied na- ation, and by its desire to see the instrument which will tions, to which we render a deeply felt and respectful be the fruit of our discussions endowed with as much homage, has been the most conclusive proof of the im- power as possible in order to permit the greatest possible mortal nature of the ideal which inspires the United Na- freedom of action in accomplishing the aims of the Ortions and for which they are fighting. But it is certain ganization. I believe, however, that you will now allow me that victory, that victory which will benefit the entire to emphasize a few of the principles and general arguworld, could not have been won without the decisive con- ments which are particularly dear to the Venezuelan peotribution of those United Nations which have at their ple and to its Government. disposal the greatest human, military, industrial, and First of all, I wish to stress our desire to see incoreconomic resources and which have, without stint, drafted porated in the new charter of nations, in an explicit manthese into the service of the common cause. And this is a ner if possible, certain essential principles which Venehistorical fact, of great political significance, that we zuela, like many other nations, has always upheld, not cannot ignore. How, indeed, could we have even dreamed only as a member of the American community which, as of victory had it not been for the admirable endurance of you know, is bound together by a number of diplomatic the Chinese people, first victims of totalitarian aggres- and legal instruments which are, so to speak, the law sion ? Or for the traditional tenacity of the British nation throughout our continent. These principles, of course, and of its Dominions, whose air force and powerful fleet not specifically American and have been adopted and destood up against the enemy at the most critical moment fended by all civilized peoples. Thus, for instance, I dare of this war? Or for the unequalled courage of the Soviet hope that we may all be able to set forth in a formal armies that have been able to drive the enemy, at the manner: Firstly, the absolute equality of all member states point of the sword, right back to its own capital, a symbol of the new Organization; secondly, respect for the terrino later than yesterday, and the source of evil ambition ? torial integrity of these states and our duty to abstain Or, above all, for the inestimable resources and the un- from any attempt at intervention in their internal organilimited spirit of sacrifice of the people of the United zation, whether political or social; thirdly, our obligation States of America, whose sons are now fighting in all to have recourse to peaceful means in order to solve interparts of the world beneath their flag, which has always national controversies, and the condemnation of the use of flown in the wind of freedom ? And none amongst us, force as a means of solving them; fourthly, the nonrecogGentlemen, nor anywhere else indeed, can underestimate nition of annexation of territory achieved without the prethe part played by France in this war. The French people vious freely expressed consent of the peoples interested. never accepted defeat as final, and the resistance move- The indivisible nature of peace, to which I have already ment, together with reorganized French forces, have alluded, again leads the world to consider the need for played an important part and still play it in our common the creation of an organization whose character will be victory. Today, side by side with their allies, French forces universal, and within which all peace-loving nations will repeat on German soil the prowesses of their ancestors. be represented in an appropriate manner and will enjoy

Because the main responsibility of the war effort rested the means of defending both general peace and their own on the shoulders of these great nations, the main respon- individual interests, the latter being always closely bound sibility in the establishment of peace must rest with them to the former. But I do not believe that the nature of such too. Fortunately, the San Francisco Conference offers the an organization would be incompatible with the existence best proof that these nations have not only understood of regional arrangements regulating relations between a their responsibilities but are also determined to assume limited number of states. The contrary would be more them fully. The Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, the topic true. But these regional arrangements must be based on and purpose of our deliberations, constitute both a valu- the same principles of international co-operation and able contribution on the part of these powers toward the must aim at preventing or solving conflicts that might organization of future peace and a proof that it is not arise among the parties to them. And in this connection, their intention to impose, ne varietur, their way of think- may I presume to suggest that, of all regional arrangeing on the other United Nations. On the contrary, these ments so far established, the inter-American one has documents indicate their desire to see each one of the worked out best. My eminent friend and colleague, Mr. United Nations offer its own contribution to the establish- Serrato, Minister of Foreign Relations of Uruguay, and ment of a world Charter. And this is why I do not hesitate after him, several others of our colleagues as well, gave to attribute to this Conference the name and character here magnificent speeches praising the happy understandof an oecumenical constituent assembly. And just as this ing that exists among the American nations and which international organization must include all peace-loving we who live on this continent believe to be one of the nations, so that each one of them may serve a positive cornerstones of future peace. It is absolutely necessary to purpose therein, so the Charter of the Organization must maintain this understanding. And we will therefore have be the fruit of the loyal co-operation of all and reflect, in to establish the procedure for an effective co-operation, its basic principles, their common beliefs.

with the world organization and within it, of the interAs far as my own country is concerned, I may say or American system which is already functioning fully and rather repeat that it believes that the Dumbarton Oaks is founded on political solidarity, economic co-operation, Proposals, though they may indeed be improved by some and mutual assistance for the safeguarding of the terriamendments, constitute a proper foundation for the es- tory and independence of the states concerned. The intertablishment of an effective international organization. American agreements were considerably strengthened by It is extremely encouraging to note that this is also the the recent Mexico Conference and I may say that we who opinion of all the nations represented here. My Gov- worked at the Conference never lost sight of the universal ernment has taken the liberty of suggesting some significance of our task, nor of the ideas which I have just amendments to the original draft, amendments which it expressed here. considers important, although they do not envisage modi- In speaking of inter-American agreements, I wish to fication of the general structure of the Proposals. I shall express, in the name of my country, the very sincere joy we feel as we see the Argentine Republic join in the tasks problems: That of an equitable distribution of raw maof the United Nations at this Conference where its con- terials necessary to industry, and that of an appropriate tribution will be, I am sure, worthy of its loftiest and planning of migratory movements, not merely to achieve most noble traditions. I wish moreover to endorse the a better geographical balance of populations, but also in statements made here yesterday in honor of this great order that a great number of countries may be able to depeople; and I greet its arrival in our midst, not only be- velop to the maximum their economic resources, and in cause I represent an American nation but also because the order that the standard of living of all nations may be political, economic, and cultural importance of the Argen- raised; thus ensuring social justice and stability, which tine made that country's case important to the whole alone can maintain peace among nations. That is why it world and not merely, as might be thought, to our conti- seems desirable, even necessary, that international ornent. Now indeed the entire community of American na- ganizations exist whose purpose would be to contribute tions is bound together and ready, as ever, to work toward toward the solution of problems of this sort, while at the international justice and concord; and this we will do not same time respecting, of course, the sovereign rights and as a blind and previously indoctrinated league but as a the freedom of the states involved in such delicate matters. free association of sovereign states, each one of whom has As a mere reminder and to stress its importance in the jealously retained its freedom of opinion and of decision. eyes of my Government, I shall now refer to the problem

One of the most delicate problems submitted to us here oi transportation which, as you know, has undergone in is that of the respective powers of the Security Council recent times intense development and will certainly deand of the General Assembly. This problem is not new mand some co-ordinating action on an international scale. and it arose in the past when the Covenant of the League Before closing, I wish to mention here an idea which, of Nations was being drawn up. The procedure then I am sure, is dear to all of you and to which I myself have adopted is today very much criticized, as indeed is all that been devoted all my life; I mean intellectual co-operation. Geneva achieved. But in all sincerity I would not hesitate I believe sincerely that the organization of peace will never to state that the decisive causes for the failure of the rest on sound foundations if there exists no close mutual League of Nations were not due to weaknesses inherent understanding between the minds and hearts of men. The in its Covenant. The formula used in the Dumbarton Oaks peoples of the world must know each other morally and Proposals is not the same as that of the Geneva Covenant spiritually before they can manage to dispel the distrust and has the advantage of being new. It seems in any case and ignorance which keep them apart. We must build up to fit the exceptional circumstances in which this Inter- a kind of intellectual network, above the network of the national Organization is being founded, as it is presented physical communications system which exists between to us. But I will not conceal the fact that my Government nations, or parallel to it. The present formula of intellechopes, as indeed do many other governments, that the tual co-operation must therefore be revised and expressed formula adopted here will be able to follow a timely evo- in terms both more exact and more extensive, in order lution toward procedures that will be more democratic and to grant more importance to the educational aspects of represent better the community of nations.

its action. In the Americas we have with some success One of the elements of international organization con- tried methods which might be adapted to a world plan. sidered by everyone as essential to the progress of rela- This war has, moreover, left in its path not only terrible tions between states, is undoubtedly the International devastation in all physical fields but also vast spiritual Court of Justice. And I believe that one of the chief aims anarchy. It will be absolutely necessary to undertake the of our deliberations must be to grant it the most complete intellectual and moral reconstruction of the world as authority and the greatest effectiveness in the administra- well as its material reconstruction, and with equal energy. tion of its activities.

Gentlemen, this Conference opens under the auspices If the lessons of the past and the horrible vision of the of certain and close victory, and at a time of mourning present are to be of any value in the eyes of man, he must for the whole world. It is still difficult for us to admit obviously not limit his efforts to preventing or solving

the terrible truth that President Roosevelt is no more; conflicts once they have already arisen. It will therefore fallen in the heat of battle, as the war's most glorious be necessary that the new Organization be able to en- hero, he remains among us, through his spirit and his force measures of active co-operation in order to find, work, the very first artisan of the peace. Posterity will for the economic and social problems posited before the confirm the opinion of his contemporaries and will revere world, solutions which will be compatible with a satis- in him one of the greatest figures of all times; the world factory order in international relations. To state it more will be grateful to him because, in the midst of this terexactly, it will be necessary to establish a peace which rille catastrophe of war and throughout its duration, he I would even call militant, because it would abandon toiled for the establishment of the reign of justice. Under its purely defensive position and adopt a positive action the inspiration of his example, we can be sure that no in attacking the true causes of friction between states in problem, however acute, can ever divide the United Nathe various fields of economic and social activity. There tions; and that the close coalition of victory, far from exist instruments for this kind of action, such as the breaking asunder, will enlarge its scope and grow magnificent International Labor Organization, whose stronger as the years go by. That is the most fervent achievements between the two wars have fully justified hope which I have come here to express on behalf of the all hopes founded on it and render its continued existence Government and of the people of Venezuela. absolutely necessary. Other organs are in the process of . MR. Soong: This concludes the speeches which have creation and their principles are being discussed by the been scheduled for this evening. governments interested. Still others are being planned Tomorrow the Eighth Plenary Session of the Conferand will soon take shape. This inevitable multiplicity of ence will be held at 3:30 p.m. in this hall. At that sesfunctions in itself suggests the need for co-ordination, sion this series of statements by the chiefs of delegations and it seems to me that the Dumbarton Oaks plan of an will be concluded. The final group of speakers to be heard Economic and Social Council, dependent on the General tomorrow are the chairmen of the delegations of Mexico, Assembly, truly deserves the approval that all govern- Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Peru, Syria, and Yugoments have expressed concerning it.

slavia. In this field of economics and also in the field of de- The Seventh Plenary Session of the Conference is heremography, the world will have to face two fundamental by adjourned.

Verbatim Minutes ...

THE EIGHTH PLENARY SESSION

MAY 2, 1945, 3:36 P.M.

MR. MOLOTOV (presiding officer) (speaking in Russian; English version as delivered by interpreter follows): There is one item of business to be taken up today. The Secretary General will make a report of the result of the work carried out in the meeting of the officers of the commissions today. Mr. Hiss will read his statement.

MR. Hiss: Mr. President, Members of the Delegations, Ladies and Gentlemen: At an informal meeting this morning of the officers of the four commissions, I was instructed to read this afternoon the following statement approved at that informal meeting:

At the conclusion of this present session the Conference will have heard in eight plenary sessions the statements of the chairmen of the delegations who have signified a desire to speak. It is now possible for the Conference to carry on its work through its four commissions and twelve technical committees.

The officers of the four commissions met informally this morning to discuss the procedures required for beginning the second phase of our work. It is their recommendation that the officers of each commission meet tomorrow with the officers of the committees within that commission to plan the work of the committees, in order that the committees may proceed to their important tasks as soon as possible.

In view of the urgency of proceeding with the agenda of the Conference, it is recommended that the commissions meet subsequently to receive the reports of their technical committees. In accordance with that recommendation there have been tentatively scheduled, subject to ap

proval by the Conference in plenary session now, the following informal organizing meetings for tomorrow:

Officers of Commission I and the officers of its committees, 10:30 tomorrow morning in room 303 of the Veterans Building.

Officers of Commission II and officers of its commit. tees, also at 10:30 tomorrow morning in room 213 of the Veterans Building;

Officers of Commission III and officers of its committees, at 3:30 tomorrow afternoon in room 303 of the Veterans Building; and

Officers of Commission IV and officers of its committees, at 3:30. tomorrow afternoon in room 213 of the Veterans Building.

I understand that any members of the various commissions and committees, other than the officers, who may desire to attend those informal meetings as auditors, will be welcome.

MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian; English version as delivered by interpreter follows): Does any delegation wish to comment on the Secretary General's statement ?

Inasmuch as there is no one wishing to make comments on the Secretary General's statement, permit me to regard this report as approved.

At this session, we shall conclude the series of statements made by the chairmen of delegations who have expressed their desire to address the Conference.

The Chair recognizes as the first speaker the Secretary of Foreign Relations and chairman of the delegation of Mexico, Mr. Padilla.

Eighth Plenary Session ...

Address by Ezequiel Padilla

CHAIRMAN, THE MEXICAN DELEGATION

MR. PADILLA (speaking in Spanish; English version as delivered by interpreter follows): Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: I wish my first words to convey my profound devotion and gratitude to the heroes and martyrs of war, to the armed forces of the United Nations among whose flags my country has made its fervent contribution.

Twenty-five years ago men of good will endeavored to do away forever with the savage recourse of armed strife. Everyone hailed with emotion the League of Nations; but the intelligence and the will of the world were as yet unprepared.

Shortly thereafter preverse forces threatening peace began to rise on all sides economic warfare, isolationism, the sad spectacle of a peace organization powerless against the most flagrant violations of the principles on which it was founded. Manchuria, Abyssinia, Albania offered as rewards for international crime in the face of a will paralyzed by disagreement among the great democracies of the world. A dream of peace shattered among the ruins of Spain, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, Holland, France. Then the long night of suffering and destruction, the memory of which will always fill our hearts with horror.

Out of this desolate picture we representatives of the

United Nations have brought to this assembly the renewed determination to guarantee to posterity that such a hell on earth shall be no more.

But now we come armed with experience of the failure of an ideal and with a system of principles that constitute the charter of victory.

The Organization we are creating will require weapons -planes, tanks, warships. Yet if we really want permanent security and peace, there is a spiritual force we must create as effective as those material forces—the reciprocal respect and confidence of all nations, large and small.

International life should be a factory of confidence, not arrogance, Good faith and the spirit of unity among the great powers are the cornerstones of peace.

It is the duty of the small nations to make every possible contribution toward the maintenance of that essential solidarity among the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, France, and China.

Small nations do not threaten peace. A moral force, invisible but formidable, is on the side of the small nations. They live in the protective shadow of their own sacrifices and other contributions to the cause of right.

This war began with the treacherous Axis aggression against peoples guilty only of innocence and weakness. The world's democracies arose against such brutality

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