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and in defense of their own destinies they have reaf- whose executors we are. This means that the peace we firmed as one of the principles for which they fight the want is far more than a mere question of force. It is sovereignty of those heroic downtrodden nations.

above all the organization of force, but on the basis of We are frequently reminded to be realistic but what justice, justice for all men and for all peoples; justice for greater and more undeniable reality than the fact that the strong and justice for those who need it most, for the small nations do exist free from the lust for power and masses, painfully climbing toward liberation and human conquest. They represent the highest aspirations toward dignity. justice. They are builders of the fortress of law. That We are met to accomplish the most cherished of the is why we, the small nations, are here—not by reason of principles for which they gave their lives to free the a military strength which we do not possess nor by vir- world from brute force, that it may rest on law. Peace tue of a contribution that could be powerful in guarantee- has different meanings for different nations. It does not ing peace, but because of our honest yearning for cor- mean the same thing to the oppressed as it does to the dial friendship and our sincere love for peace. We want prosperous. But if we listen closely to the hearts of man security, not only for ourselves—for us who possess no we shall hear, in the midst of so many contradictions, so elements to threaten it—but security for the great pow- many lacerating inequalities, a voice understood by all ers who can more readily be tempted by the sinister ad- peoples expressing sentiments of unity and brotherhood. vice of ambition and force.

That voice speaks our determination to defend the equal The international organism for security and peace rights of all nations to fight for the rights and dignity of must be built on democratic principles, Democracy safe- man, and to labor without rest, without dismay toward guards the brotherhood of all men. Should the great pow- the abolition of poverty and the establishment of social ers wish to be alone in authority they would also remain justice and freedom. alone in their struggle for supremacy. And, then, what Let us recognize, with humility in our hearts, that we they would establish would only be a return to permanent in this assembly are but an instrument of ever-growing insecurity.

forces striving for the redemption of mankind. Man himSocial justice, oppression, poverty, wherever they ex- self, struggling, dreaming, suffering, and dying, plays ist, threaten the security of the world. The interdepend- the leading role in this great drama. In order to do our ence of all nations is now an inexorable law. Force must duty in this Conference we need only to heed his cries be an exclusive instrument of the community of nations. for justice, liberty, and peace, reaching us from all corAll these standards and ideals that have led the armed ners of the earth. forces of the United Nations to victory have been con- (Because of an unavoidable delay in the arrival of the secrated in immortal documents and in the agreements of chairman of the delegation of Nicaragua, the President the three great leaders of this war-Churchill, Stalin, next recognized the chairman of the delegation of Norand that towering figure, the most inspired statesman of our times, Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian; English version as We have come here to comply with a will left us by the delivered by interpreter follows): The Chair now recog. fallen generation for the benefit of our future generations. nizes the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of

In essence it is a tribute to the war heroes and martyrs the delegation of Norway, Mr. Lie.


Eighth Plenary Session ...

Address by Trygve Lie

MR. LIE: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: Many words have already been spoken from this rostrum to honor the memory of the late President Roosevelt. The people of Norway would fail to understand it if today I did not express also their feelings of sorrow and bereavement. President Roosevelt was a friend of Norway. He often showed his sympathy for Norway. Ever since my country was invaded he demonstrated his friendship and helpfulness, and in Norway his name meant endurance and encouragement. He will always have a high place in the hearts of the Norwegian people.

When after six long years of struggle against a cruel and terrible enemy, we stand today before final victory over Germany, our thoughts go to the millions of men and women in the whole of the free world who through their courage and sacrifices have made this victory possible. We Norwegians are proud that we have been able to make our contribution to this fight. But we fully realize that our country could never be liberated without the help of all our allies. We shall never forget that Great Britain stood firm in the summer and autumn of 1940 when everything seemed to crumble, and we have an unforgettable impression of the immense war effort of the British nation in the years which have passed. Our people have with admiration followed the Red Army in their

heroic defensive battles and in their victorious offensive. And we are deeply grateful to the Soviet-Russian forces who came as friends to liberate the northernmost part of our country. Our people have highly appreciated their kindness and helpfulness and their loyal co-operation with the Norwegian authorities. We also know that victory could never have been won without the overwhelming contribution of the United States of America. That is not only due to the economic and technical resources of that country but also to the enthusiasm, courage, and faith of its people. Nor shall we ever forget the almost unbelievable stand and fortitude of our Chinese allies in their fight against the Japanese.

It is my firm conviction that victory which will soon be ours, has only been made possible by the trustful cooperation and understanding between the great powers, and I believe it imperative that the future peace and security be built on the same foundation. As we stood together in war, we must stand together in peace.

We Norwegians have come here to assist and not to offer negative criticism. We know that the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals are not perfect, and we welcome a number of the amendments that have been suggested. But even if the Charter as molded at this Conference will not correspond to all our desires and ideas, we hope that the building of a new security order will be started under such

conditions that in the future it may be further developed in a process of continuous creation.

An International Organization as envisaged in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals means perhaps even more to small nations than to the greater countries, because in the modern world, without security, their very life is at stake.

Norway is the only Northern European country among the United Nations, and we should have been more than glad if our sister nations could have been with us here today. Our sympathy goes to our friends in Denmark, who, under difficult circumstances, have stoutly resisted a common enemy; in spirit they are with us, and we are confident that when the time comes, all the Northern countries will want to join this great fraternity of nations.

In the political tradition of Norway, the idea has never been accepted that there must be an intrinsic conflict of interests between large and small countries. All the members of the United Nations are bound together, not only by their vital interests in protection against aggression, but also by their ideas and ideals which have found their expression in the Atlantic Charter and in the United Nations Declaration. In any new world order the great powers will have to shoulder the main burden of providing the military and material means for maintaining peace, and we are prepared to grant them an international status corresponding to their responsibility and power. But at the same time, we have a strong feeling that also moral standards should be taken into account. To our people who have lived under Axis occupation, it seems essential that this Conference should include among the principles of its organization the aspirations expressed in the United Nations declarations: to defend life, lib. erty, independence, and religious freedom, to preserve human rights.

We have to bear in mind what has also been mentioned by preceding speakers that the enforcement of peace is only one aspect of international security. In view of the establishment of the new Security Organization we trust that a period of political stability will follow this war. This will mean a concentration on the part of the participating nations on the constructive efforts in international co-operation. Turning thus to the work which will devolve on the General Assembly and through the General Assembly on the Economic and Social Council, I would like to stress that economic, social, and intellectual co-operation form a whole. Without such co-operation, our efforts might prove futile in the years to come.

We hope to bring to the future deliberations and labors of the new Organization the spirit and experience of a community which for centuries has been built on the respect for law and justice. The profound belief in social justice and an unswerving attachment to fundamental human rights and freedoms, deeply rooted in our tradi. tions, have been the rock upon which the Nazi attacks upon our convictions have been wrecked.

It is obvious that lasting peace must be based on economic progress and social justice. We stand together today before a world which has been exposed to economic and social destruction without precedent in history. The United Nations are therefore confronted with a task which can be solved only through planned international co-operation. But we must also look further ahead. We must not again risk that economic and social anarchy which lead to new crises and new mass unemployment. It must be one of the main tasks of the new International Organization to secure an increasingly higher standard of living and social security for all. This will also be necessary in order that the masses in all countries rally to our new Organization with confidence. It is not up to me to say how this should be done, but I join our Australian colleague in stressing that under the instruction of the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council must be given the greatest possible authority and that it must be made one of the principal organs of the Organization.

We of Norway realize what the Right Honourable Mackenzie King pointed out the other day, that a new organization will not provide a danger-proof system of complete security. We believe that in the future each nation will have to provide, according to its ability, the means, destined to safeguard its own existence and independence.

The nations of the occupied countries have proved in their struggle that there are certain invisible privileges of mankind without which life is not worth living. It is not sufficient for countries to be peace loving. Our brothers and sons are fighting and dying because they and we love justice and human decency even more than peace. Daily bread turns to stone unless eaten in freedom and with human dignity.

MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian: English version as delivered by interpreter follows): The Chair now recognizes the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of Nicaragua, Mr. Arguello.

Eighth Plenary Session ...

Address by Mariano Arguello Vargas


MR. ARGUELLO (speaking in Spanish: English version as delivered by interpreter follows): Let my first words be in homage to the memory of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, apostle who gave up his life to save humanity from oppression and slavery. With the altruism of the great leaders of nations he sacrificed his life that it may shine on the roads that are to be traversed by the United Nations. Already we near victory—that victory that Roosevelt prophesied with the vision of a leader-a vision that, filled with angush, spoke out boldly right after the treacherous attack of Pearl Harbor. Praise to the great statesman, the great leader of democracy and Pan-Americanism who gave America a new concept, the doctrine of continental fraternity. This doctrine has consolidated the principle of jurdical equality of the nations, great and small, and has begun to guarantee the respect of the inalienable rights of nations that are weak.

We shall maintain ever clear and bright our admiration, our homage to the memory of the President of the United States who was able to accomplish his great task as a liberator, who was able to unite us forever and to be greater in the accomplishment of our tasks. Nicaragua shall never yield the greatness that has been bequeathed by him.

The spirit of Franklin Delano Roosevelt inspired this Conference, the most transcendental in history; inspired with a lofty ideal that the United Nations shall here build the Organization of a new world on the unshakeable basis of justice. This is the supreme aspiration in this hour of history, and for the complete realization of this aspiration we have met to carry on a task given to us by humanity. This opportunity gives me the duty of expressing my gratitude to the Governor of the State of California and to the Mayor of the City of San Francisco

for their frank and cordial welcome and to say that ful measures are the ones to be used in solving internawe are enjoying our stay in the beautiful city of San tional conflicts. Francisco.

Faithful to this policy of co-operation, my Government I wish also to emphasize our sentiments of sin. brings here its modest contribution toward the building cere friendship and sympathy toward the Government of the edifice of peace. As to the establishment of an Inand the people of the United States, together with ternational Organization in accordance with the recomthe expression of our fervent desire that the work of mendations of Dumbarton Oaks, Nicaragua has been willpeace here started shall continue under the firm and ing to accept and accepts these Proposals in principle as beneficent impulse that it has already received from a positive instrument to prevent aggression and eliminate the new President of this nation, Harry S. Truman, in recourse to war by means of the co-operation of the peoclose collaboration with other democratic world leaders ples of the world. Our acquiescence does not prevent Nicahere gathered.

ragua from accepting, together with the other nations Nicaragua has always aspired to live in peace and to and in accordance with international law and with the guarantee fully a peace based on legal guaranties, based progress of the laws of the Americas those reforms and on law.

amendments that might help strengthen the foundations We do not think that the peace of the individual is of a lasting peace which is the legitimate ope of the something like a private possession. We firmly believe peoples of the world which have suffered, in one way or that the welfare of the individual is a reflection of the another, the cruelties of war. welfare of the home. Peace for the entire community will On the nations that have directly borne the heavy load mean peace for us, too. Therefore, we are united here of combat in this crusade for justice and freedom, a more because we believe that peace is indivisible and we must immediate responsibility should rest, in order that their unite our efforts to obtain it and maintain it. Our con- victories should be lasting and that harmony should not tribution to this universal harmony shall never be a be broken in a new catastrophe to mankind. These nations, small matter; the peace that is indivisible and that is with their heroic armies and the whole power of their for all nations, must be interowned. It must be a pos- material and human resources, were the decisive factor session of each one them as well as a possession of in victory and deserve the everlasting gratitude of posthe community. It must be like a fruit that comes to terity and the warm thanks of all nations. We must never maturity in this climate where men and ideas live free forget that we must all share in the supreme effort of the from fear.

spirit and contribute moral elements of the soul in order The economic and social problems, it seems to me, to create, if it does not yet exist, an atmosphere of muhave priority over strictly political problems, and they tual confidence. Only in such an atmosphere can there be should have that importance in the new world Organiza- a guaranty that the nations to which is entrusted the tion if we want to see injustice and poverty banished responsibility of safeguarding the treasure of peace shall from the world.

never allow themselves to be drawn toward another caWe cannot ignore the problems that the new Organiza- tastrophe such as the one the world has gone through. tion must face to bring about a better world. It faces Nicaragua was the second country in our Americas these problems with a lofty spirit, a spirit rooted in that, as soon as the Japanese Empire attacked the United justice and a profound conviction of service for human- States, declared war against the aggressor nations that ity. The United Nations through their outstanding were attempting, through fury and violence, to wipe from spokesmen have emphasized that there will be sanctions the face of the earth entire peoples. The Government of against those who go to war, those who would convert Nicaragua thus expressed its tribute of loyalty and fulinto ruins an entire civilization. We do not doubt that filled its international obligations. The co-operation of my we shall know how to be just as victors in order to have country in this struggle has many aspects. There has been honor in victory. Peace has meant blood and poverty a material contribution without precedent in the utilizaand misery; the best of youth has been wiped out and tion of our national resources intensified during these a whole civilization and the work of centuries brought war years. Nicaragua holds second place in the developto ruins. War has punished all and great punishment has

ment of rubber. Air bases and naval bases were placed fallen upon the countries of modest resources. We have at the disposal of the defense of the continent. Hundreds faith that when the victorious nations face the solutions of Nicaraguan young men enrolled as volunteers under that must repair the consequences of this universal trag- the flags of the United Nations. Many of them have fallen edy, they will know how to meet the needs of the nations forever at the side of the soldiers of the United States on the lofty plane of harmony and equity.

and of England. Others fell in the burning sands of the Nicaragua reaffirms from this rostrum its unshakeable African desert along with the first contingents of the devotion to the postulates of democracy that inspire its Free French. constitution. Her conduct is one of adherence to the norms History shall enrich its pages with the glorious menof American international law, and of full and decided col- tion of the resolutions adopted by this assembly. What laboration in the work of peace and in the work of har- a splendid sight here--46 nations united, great and small mony among the nations. We have set up on a high plane discussing the best solutions for the establishment of our civic ambitions by incorporating into the constitu- permanent peace, a peace that shall guarantee union, a tion of our country the principles of the Atlantic Charter peace that shall illuminate the horizon for the future. which synthesized ethics that are both political and so- This future was foreseen by a great man of Nicaragua, cial in order to maintain human peace firm. So Nicaragua the most illustrious son of my country and the highest was to be honored by being the first country of this exponent of Spanish-American culture, Rubén Darío, who Hemisphere to take this action. It was approved unani- in his immortal verse prophesied union that shall calm mously by all the nations of America in the Chapultepec the tempest; that shall bring peace to the victors; that Conference. We have likewise included in our constitution all may be sincere friends; and that over the golden wheat the principle whereby we renounce war as an instrument fields shall appear as from the spirits of the lofty and of national policy, foregoing all territorial conquests, all pure, the rainbow that shall be the will of God. treaties of an offensive character, and renouncing inter- MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian; English version as vention in the internal affairs of states. We have, in short, delivered by interpreter follows): The Chair now recogrecognized the principle of self-determination of the na- nizes the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the tions and proclaimed that arbitration and other peace- delegation of Panama.

Eighth Plenary Session ...

Address by Roberto Jimenez


MR. JIMENEZ (Mr. Jimenez made an introductory statement in Spanish saying that he preferred to speak in Spanish, the native language of Panama, but that for the convenience of the Conference he would deliver his speech in English): Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: I cannot raise the voice of Panama in a public session of this Conference without first invoking the venerable memory of the great statesman who has just passed to eternity as well as to immortality among men. All of us are feeling the presence in this hall of the spirit of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, that great leader of the world whose clear vision and unflinching faith in justice and tireless struggle for the sake of humanity have made it possible for the representatives of the United Nations to congregate on the soil of free America to discuss with a broad democratic spirit the future destinies of mankind.

Panama, a country that, although small in territory „d population, boasts to be, both geographically and piritually, the link that joins the two great portions of his Hemisphere, renders devoted homage to the dearted framer of the doctrine of good neighborhood.

Inspired as it is by his lofty ideals, the delegation of Panama will stand in favor of every solution that may be based on the following fundamental postulates :

1. That the principle of the equality of states must be kept inviolate;

2. That the Charter must contain an International Bill of Rights, that is to say, a statement of the essential freedoms and rights of the individual, which is after all the supreme value of international life and of all human relationships;

3. That peace must be founded upon justice, because a peace imposed by force, a peace which consists in the stillness of things and not in the satisfaction and tranquility of the spirits, is no real peace;

4. That the sovereign nations of the world must recognize that above their national sovereignty is the sovereignty of the law; and must, therefore, abide by international law and submit their disputes to the mandates of international law as interpreted and applied by a competent court of obligatory jurisdiction.

In this hall, that shall pass to posterity as the cradle of a new civilization, are represented the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants of a war-torn world that crave and plead for a better understanding among men and for an organization that may secure for them and for their posterity the blessings of liberty, justice, and democracy.

We all have come to this meeting in the same spirit of good will and with the same ultimate purpose in mind. We all are trying to attain the same goal, which is to put a stop, once and forever, to the aggression of nation against nation, and to devise some means whereby the differences between states may be righteously and peacefully settled. And we all know that the way to attain this end is for the nations to organize into a universal community with power to enforce an established set of laws, just as is the case with individuals within the scope of their national life. The plan has been tried before and has failed, but we now have the benefit of experience and the determination to avoid the repetition of former errors.

If we inquire into the causes of the past failures we may find it difficult to determine and enumerate all of hem, but perhaps there could be mentioned among the

most important ones the lack of universality of the League of Nations and its reluctance to apply due sanctions to the transgressors of the principles of justice.

One of the most powerful nations of the world, the United States of America, which with its enormous prestige and its great sense of justice and morality could have given added authority to the League, never became a member thereof. Others withdrew at their convenience whenever their national policies became in conflict with the principles for which the League stood, thus weakening the power of the organization.

It might be advisable to make it obligatory for all the nations of the world to form part, at the proper time, of the new Organization that is to be born out of this convention, or at least to make its decisions clearly binding on all of the nations regardless of whether or not they actually form part of the body.

In the work of creating this new Organization there must be, of necessity, conflicts of opinion and even lack of understanding on the part of the nationals of some countries with respect to the position of others. To iron out these differences and to arrive at a common understanding is the great task we have in our hands, and for its results we are responsible to humanity and to the future generations.

Forty-two nations of the world have been summoned to this historic meeting by the four great powers that are bearing the major part in this tremendous undertaking of eradicating the evil of totalitarianism from the face of the earth. The small nations and the large, the weak and the powerful, have all been invited as equals to deliberate side by side and to express their own viewpoints in a truly democratic manner. And so it had to be, inasmuch as this attitude of consideration and respect for the rights of the smaller countries is precisely one of the characteristics that distinguish the democratic nations from the totalitarian, whose only guidance is their own selfish interest and ambition.

It is only to be expected that this same spirit will prevail in the instrument that is to be the result of this convention.

It cannot be denied that the wholehearted co-operation of the small nations is essential to the satisfactory functioning of the world Organization, or that such small nations must be protected and secured against unjust aggression from any source whatsoever. It must be borne in mind that all nations are juridically equal and that an attack against one of the smaller ones constitutes an offense as execrable as an attack against a great power. In the same manner as in the municipal law of democratic nations all individuals are entitled to the same degree of legal protection, so in international law the principle of equality of all states should be strictly adhered to.

We cannot disregard the fact that the burden of enforcing the peace is to fall principally upon the shoulders of the great powers, but let no one think that such a responsibility constitutes a privilege or determines the division of the world into one category of legally superior states and another category of legally inferior states. Let it be a guiding principle that the greater powers are conferred and the greater privileges recognized, precisely and solely on account of the greater responsibilities assumed. And the responsibility in the maintenance of peace increases proportionally to the size, the population, and the military force of the great nations. They can wage

war with more prospects of success than the smaller pow- These considerations necessarily lead us to the coners, and therefore they have a supreme responsibility in clusion that some means must be devised to harmonize seeing that no new conflagration is precipitated by their the interests of all nations concerned in such a manner own direct action or by the action of a smaller power that all may feel duly protected and may co-operate backed by any of them. No nation is big enough or pow- in the work of perpetuating a real peace founded upon erful enough to stand against the rest of the world. No justice. This is the one great task we have before us. group of nations can claim exclusive possession of all Let us undertake it in good faith and with unflinching wisdom in the settlement or conduct of international af. determination. fairs. All nations—large and small, weak and strong- MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian; English version as have a stake in the maintenance of universal peace and delivered by interpreter follows): The Chair now recogall should co-operate as equals in making justice the sole, nizes the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the supreme, the indestructible basis of peace.

the delegation of Peru, Mr. Gallagher.

Eighth Plenary Session ...

Address by Manuel Gallagher



MR. GALLAGHER (speaking in Spanish; English version as delivered by Mr. Luis Alzamora follows):

At the moment when the League of Nations was constituted, history had shown that the periods of peace were equivalent to the time that the vanquished needed to recuperate its strength or to the period within which antagonistic interest could be regrouped in order to seek predominance through violence. Years after the peace of Versailles, events demonstrated that the League of Nations lacked effectiveness; and war reappeared in the world, sowing seeds of destruciion and death. The van. quished nations took advantage of the good faith of the victors, and of their rivalries, in order to create a formi. dable aggressive force which they launched on an almost defenseless Europe, before the astonishment of the other continents.

We all recall those bitter moments when it appeared that Europe was going to be barbarously conquered in its entirety, and we also remember the unanimous reaction of the American continent before the sneaking attack of an ambitious and unscrupulous Asiatic power.

But those who wanted the domination of the world through force, forgot that the spiritual values of nations conscious of their dignity are capable of achieving prodigies to surpass mechanical inventions. England endured the most devastating assault, but the enemy never imagined the indomitable bravery of the British peoples, who with the full knowledge of their capacity determined to die for their country rather than surrender it to foreign slavery. The aggressors also forgot that in the new continent there was a nation full of life and ideals, that was willing to defend human liberty, and that entered the struggle without waiting for its metropolitan soil to be trampled, achieving the miracle of moving men and machines across the seas in quantities never before dreamt of, to fight in various simultaneous fronts. And at the same time that on each of those fronts it resisted an aggressor that had prepared its action during several years, it created and stimulated at home an intense war preparation in order to lend aid and co-operation to those who fought for the same cause. It gave of its blood and its wealth without restraint or measure; and it formed armies which demonstrated that it was possible to improvise military units with a magnificent capacity for war when the country needs it, units which soon rivaled those of the greatest fame. The aggressors also erred when, believing that on the Eastern Front they could find an enemy to vanquish, they launched their armies over the Russian plains and imagined that by, occupying its rich land they had obtained victory. But soon the Soviet Republics gave the answer, for after resisting heroically,

and within the same period in which it might have been imagined that its defeat would be completed, they reacted magnificently, cleansing their soil of invaders, and carrying their triumphal impetus to enemy territory. And then, to the effort of these three great powers, the British Empire, the United States, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic, was united that of legendary China, which had been defending its soil within a gigantic blaze of sacrifice, and which, starting at that moment, became a part of the resistance of the world against barbarism. And, in spite of her initial collapse, the United Nations also had on their side the gallantry of the spirit of France, champion of the Latin race, cradle of civilization and of culture, whose courage was turned into a silent and stubborn obsession until it had reduced the invader to impotence and pushed him to flight.

The nations of this American continent must render homage to those peoples who have directly defended them from the grave danger of finding themselves converted into simple elements of production, had the thesis of violence won out for the misfortune of humanity.

And thus, the League of Nations having failed, we now seek in San Francisco a more secure road toward peace. It is necessary to reform and improve the organization of Geneva. I do not aim to advance a survey of the new association of nations, nor to affirm which would be the best system to establish, but I do believe that the new association should create, as is already planned, a juridical organism to whom, through international agreement, all differences between states ought to be submitted; that it should also study the causes of war in order to seek their elimination, and moreover, that it should try to attain a universal atmosphere of morality and of culture which will make war impossible as a solution of conflicts.

The Peruvian delegation considers that, in establishing the norms which must guide the purpose of the International Organization it is necessary to introduce not precisely modifications but rather amplifications, Peru has already submitted certain suggestions to the Conference of Mexico, which it will also present in San Francisco, and which refer to principles adopted by the Inter-American Conference in the Declaration of Lima, The delegation of Peru is of the opinion that there is no reason whatsoever for objecting to the regional pacts contemplated by the Dumbarton Oaks plan. Within those pacts is the one which refers to our own continent, and which we know as the inter-American system. The regional pacts will represent an effective collaboration toward the peace, but they should be designed in such a way that their subsistence and their execution will not be a hindrance to the

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