world Organization. They should constitute a step in the general procedure to be employed when a difference between states can be solved within the region, without the necessity of recurring to the international organism. The general rule should be that the regional systems ought to be utilized to procure a conciliation or a juridical solution so that coercive measures would only be applied in exceptional cases; once such conciliation and such juridical solutions have failed, then the coercive action would also be applied within the regional system, unless the conflict should be one representing a threat to the peace of the world.

industries in order that they may have time to develop, and always provided that the matter concerns a reasonable transformation of the national wealth. The history of the last few years shows us that all those measures to obtain a hypothetical and selfish autarchy, isolate countries to the detriment of others, annul the wealth that is the result of free commerce, and sooner or later, lead to an unsustainable situation which produces an internal catastrophe or an open struggle with other nations. The economic problem has outstanding importance if we truly wish to avoid war. Some sacrifices will be necessary, some industries in some countries may suffer, but in a short time those apparent damages will be fully compensated by the general wealth, fruit of a system of frank and definite international collaboration.

Within the Dumbarton Oaks plan a necessary condition for coercive action is the favourable vote of the great powers, who are to occupy the permanent seats in the Security Council. It is understandable that these great powers may not wish to admit that the vote of the majority commits them, because that commitment could be precisely the origin of a new war, which is what must be avoided. The Dumbarton Oaks Proposal on the unanimous vote involves the right of veto by any of the great powers in respect to coercive action. I think that the right of veto, based on the reason mentioned, should not produce a total and absolute paralyzation of the security system. I do not believe that it is impossible to find a solution which will permit the right of veto to be exercised without causing such paralyzation.

But the creation of a juridical organism which will avoid war by solving the differences between states implies the theoretical acceptance that the danger of conflicts must of necessity reappear, and therefore the greatest effort should be directed toward the elimination of the causes.

It would be chimerical to imagine that a world could emerge in which there existed no disagreements. As progress is a continual struggle, we must exert ourselves so that the struggle may unfold within a friendly pattern.

In order that each nation may live in peace with the rest, it must live in peace with itself. We believe in the need of governments which will respect the rights of individuals. The governments should direct the march of the states, looking after the welfare of the citizens, seeking their happiness, respecting their liberty and the right to work, assuring them a peaceful and healthful life, and furnishing them the opportunity to receive a just compensation for their efforts and merits.

But within this panorama of the internal life of each nation, it is indispensable to contemplate the economic aspect of war, of international commerce, with the utmost interest. The specter of war will continue to threaten humanity as long as the possibility of economic aggression subsists. A peaceful atmosphere among nations is inconceivable as long as there is a desire to monopolize raw materials, as long as attempts are made to isolate markets with protective measures which tend to give fictitious life to industries that by themselves have no reason to subsist, as long as efforts are made to obtain commercial advantages at the expense of other nations through the establishment of exchange restrictions and schemes that tend to alter the natural course of trade among states, as long as customs, tariffs, or subsidies raise walls which impede free commerce, forgetting that a moderate protection is only admissible for incipient

It is opportune to recall, in honor of the memory of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, that it is due to the policy of that great statesman, seconded during so many years by Secretary of State Cordell Hull, that many effective reciprocal trade agreements came into being, inspired by a healthy economic policy which is followed by the present Secretary of State, Mr. Stettinius, and which has been the subject of one of the first declarations of President Truman upon assuming the high position which he today holds.

The League of Nations, which came into being after the war of 1914, was discussed as a corollary to the treaty of peace. The victors looked toward the reaping of the fruits of victory before devoting thought to the constitution of an organism which will avoid wars. Today the panorama is radically different. Even though victory approaches and laurels of the sacred forest appear within reach of the victorious commanders, the leaders of the great powers do not think of sitting down at the festive table. Rather, they hasten to gather here with all the nations that believe in the principles of liberty, equality, and democracy, not this time to determine the basis of the peace to be dictated, which corresponds to them alone, but to discuss in a frank atmosphere of cordiality the conditions under which to establish an international organization which will forever prevent the specter of war. Already the indispensable moral and cultural climate begins to appear.

Occidental civilization has triumphed. It was surprised and assaulted by the spirit of evil, but it has been able to display the necessary effort so that peace may reign on earth. It should not be forgotten that this civilization is based on brotherly love, and the spokesmen of the great powers have said in these halls that it is not their purpose to dominate but to seek the collaboration of the world. The march is under way.

The spirit of peace, justice, and charity preached in Galilee is the guide to our triumphant civilization. The grief of the centuries has created in the human heart the indispensable sentiment of a fraternal understanding. The preaching which an astonished pagan world heard two thousand years ago is about to be fulfilled: "He who seeketh his life shall lose it-he who loseth his life shall find it."

MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian; English version as delivered by interpreter follows): The Chair now recognizes the Prime Minister and chairman of the delegation of Syria, Mr. Faris El-Khouri.

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MR. EL-KHOURI: Mr. President, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: On behalf of the Government of the Syrian Republic and its delegation, I wish first of all to express our very deep gratitude to the Government of the people of the United States of America and to the people of our beautiful host city of San Francisco for the genuine words of their welcome and the open-hearted generosity of their hospitality. When the great sponsoring powers invited the United Nations to this Conference, they set before us a great task-great and noble in its purpose, and far-reaching in its results and implications. We can best understand the greatness of this task by comparing it with the sacrifices made and the sufferings endured by the whole world during the last six years. Syria, that part of the Arab motherland, edging on Asia and Africa, and lying across the shores of the Mediterranean and the Indian oceans, found herself all through her long history and finds herself still now, across the main routes of international intercourse, both in peace and war. Her very geographical situation made our land the medium for the exchange of ideas and trade and the bridge across which armies passed, and still pass. Her very geographical position is a fact of the highest international interest. On the one hand, it makes us close neighbors to the nations of the world. Syria, in particular, and all the Arab nations in general, should fully comprehend what the contraction of our modern world means. It makes us even more ready than others to respond to the human call for a fuller mutual understanding and a closer co-operation. That same fact, on the other hand, puts us in the position where we can assume the most serious duties in a general organization for the safeguarding of peace and security and the enforcement of justice. One of the oldest cradles of civilization and human culture, where growing humanity sought and found its first sure steps towards society ordered by the norms of love, of justice, and of the defense of right, land of faith and deep belief in ideas and humanitarian principles which had one of their greatest expressions on her soil, Syria is able by her genuine attitude to respond to the call which the peoples of the earth sent out to this Conference. Civilization, Ladies and Gentlemen, like a current, finds its source somewhere. It grows, it is increased and enriched by the contributions which each nation pours into it, like tributaries of thinking, finding, and realizing. All through history, civilization has been thus growing; in its diversity, it remains a living hope.

This civilization of ours in which we now live is indeed very old. When we people of the Arab East look to it we cannot but have a double feeling of admiration and pride. It is more dear to us inasmuch as the Arab countries are awakened to its new Arabian lights. It is therefore with a genuine joy and sense of responsibility that Syria and the states of the Arab East join together with other nations to work on the noble and hard job set before us at San Francisco. It is full of meaning to us to be called to the council of the United Nations to lay down the principles and to draw up and build the machinery to enforce justice and insure security and peace. We deeply feel, therefore, the urge to see this Conference succeed.

Others before me have mentioned Franklin Delano Roosevelt to honor his memory. Others that come after me may do so. In the wide world men shall remember for years to come the great world citizen who endeavored to make the world free from fear and want and safe for

peaceful development and the growth by liberty based on order, justice based on equality, and human fraternity based on good-neighborliness with comprehension and due appreciation of the views of one and all. But no country, I dare say, can be more entitled than ourselves to feel deep gratitude for the late President of the United States, who helped us with the Allies to reintegrate our rights.

As we were flying over desert and ocean to come to this country, I had one dear wish: to see Franklin Roosevelt and to convey to him and to the American people through him, the thankfulness of the people of Syria. Our grief was great. Great also is our hope and strong is our belief that his worthy successor, Mr. Truman, and the distinguished leaders of the big nations who have worked hand in hand and who are now bringing this terrible and tremendous world crisis to a victorious end shall continue to fulfil the mission which the providence put upon them.

Great men pass away. Great ideas that are the expression of the need and will of whole nations are forceful ideals that survive. It is our duty here to make these ideals into norms of international law and standards of action.

Ladies and Gentlemen, some people, judging by the past, express doubts as to the realization of this duty. They want to see in that a change in human nature. We do not expect to change human nature; we need not change it. All we should do is to draw out of it the very best that is in it.

Human reason does show mankind that another war will mean a cataclysm that will undermine and destroy the structure of human civilization. Reason does show that another war striking across the world will sink in its weight all states, big and small. Reason, therefore, seasons passion, lust, and greed. Reason can create order.

Human sense of justice, Ladies and Gentlemen, is a living thing. No one can seek to quench it forever. It is a mighty force luminous enough to indicate the path and strong enough to set us on it. Human sense of justice can help to establish right. Order and right can make the world what it ought to be and what we want it to be. It is not, of course, by some miraculous feat of an international meeting like ours. It is not by some magic declaration of principles implemented by international machinery that order and right will reign paramount in our tormented world; it is through faith, universal faith, in what was set before us to do, through democratic governing, through long and sustained efforts that make for a wholesome and continuous evolution. It is by muddling through difficulties and doubts and overcoming them that at last order and right will reign, and above all, by learning from past experience and trials to do better than before that we can avoid such past mistakes and look with hope for the settlement of what is better.

The first experience of the League of Nations was one which set all of us thinking. An international institution for the realization of justice and peace was born in 1920. It lived only to find itself disrupted and disintegrated. Fortunately, the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals for a new world Organization do contain sanctions which the League did not possess. It remains for us to see that the mechanism to be set up is appropriate to make just use of them. We do not want to bring before this plenary session suggestions that could be better dealt with first in com

mittees and commissions. Nevertheless, I would like to make some remarks. This war was fought to uphold principles which we do not find mentioned or sufficiently clarified in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals. Certainly the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the moral basis for the gigantic struggle of the sponsoring nations and to which all countries have given their full support to win the war, should be included in the principles guiding the future activity of the world Organization. Therefore, the principles set forth in the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals should be clarified, expounded, and made more precise so that they may effectively serve as clear norms of international conduct. Each nation represented here will probably then feel more ready to do what is essential for our ultimate success in the way of delegating part of its sovereignty to the International Organization, if that essential delegation of sovereignty is done under the guidance of well-set principles of justice, security, and fair dealing in international conduct. We shall not depend, dear Fellow Delegates, too much on future amendments. We all know how difficult they become. We must try to do our best now to elaborate a Charter which will live long.

Some international questions and difficulties carried over from the past were temporarily set aside by our common will to win the war. These questions call for a rightful adjustment or they will remain a thorn in the side of the international body. We should find a just solution for these questions and difficulties. We do not try to find a definite solution now, but we shall try to establish the Organization and to set the procedure for the settlement of those difficulties. To find the way for such a solution we cannot afford to remain uniquely under the guidance of political interests, but should rather find a solution under the guidance of and according to equity and international law.

The organ most appropriate for finding solutions is the high court of international justice where just grievances can best find relief and remedy. The court should work in close co-operation with the Assembly and Council, but the more power we give to the court, the more we can feel sure that differences of that kind will be justly arbitrated and not solved by some arbitrary arrangement.

On this occasion, I should like to point out that on the twenty-second of March, 1945, the Pact of the Arab League was signed at Cairo by seven Arab states: Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Transjordan, Yemen, and Syria, and duly ratified a short time later. A translated text of that Pact was communicated to you by the Egyptian delegation through the Secretariat of this Conference. In this Pact, the Arab states have outlined the views

Eighth Plenary Session...

according to which they intend to establish closer co-operation among themselves. Bound together by ties of race, language, culture, geography, history, and all that goes to make a nation, the Arab peoples gave this Pact their support, considering it a step on the way to a more complete co-ordination of their efforts, which tends to make their contribution to the new world Organization more effective.

Our Pact stipulates in one of its articles the following provision: "It likewise shall be the Council's task," that is, the Council of the League, "to decide upon the means by which the League is to co-operate with the international bodies to be created in the future in order to guarantee security and peace and regulate economic and social relations."

It is clear that the Arab Pact can fit in with the world Organization envisaged by this Conference. The fact that seven states, including forty million Arabs, formed together this League in that all-important region of the Near East, is in itself a help to the safeguarding of international peace and the establishment of justice and security.

We have a traditional Arab saying, Ladies and Gentlemen, that the kingdom of right may lie under the shadow of the sword.

May the sword of the United Nations drawn in this war serve as the initiator of right and the protector of its kingdom. May the blood that generously ran out on all lands and seas fill the world with the cry of right resounding in every conscience. May the sacrifices nobly endured be done for justice and peace and thus crown with real laurels of martyrdom those who died in a just cause.

In concluding, may I state another Arab saying that in the recurrent struggle between might and right, it is right which at last holds might in its intangible grip. Sounded out by Arab minds since time unknown, that saying is to us the writing on the wall for present and would-be aggressors. Present experience in this war does show that the wisdom of the centuries was not hollow.

May I give that hard experience of this war its full expression by our work here. May we do that by our future attitude and action.

We can only do so when we create a world Organization which can and does consider the unrightful strong, weak till right is taken from him, and consider the rightful weak, strong till right is given to him.

MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian; English version as delivered by interpreter follows):

The Chair now recognizes the Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of Yugoslavia, Mr. Subasic.

MR. SUBASIC: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Speaking on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation, my thoughts are directed to the memory of that great humanitarian who was the staunchest defender of the idea of the United Nations, to the spiritual father of this International Conference, to the immortal Franklin Delano Roosevelt. His death, although a great blow to this Conference, has not jeopardized the realization of his conception regarding the development of inter-Allied and international solidarity.

The spirit of Roosevelt, together with that of Woodrow

Wilson, will be present over San Francisco in these historic days as it will be present in the hearts of millions of people throughout future generations. For Roosevelt did not belong only to America, he belonged to the whole world. I am glad to extend our congratulations and our gratitude to the United States through the Secretary of State, Mr. Stettinius, for the excellent organization of this International Conference and its preparatory measures, and to Governor Warren of California and Mayor Lapham of San Francisco for the hospitality and the friendly helpfulness which this beautiful city has so wholeheartedly extended to us.

The meeting of the representatives of the United Nations from all over the world on the shores of the Pacific -which to us Europeans seems so very far off-and in the midst of the greatest war in history, is proof of the close interdependence of the world which today, through technical progress, has become so small.

It plainly shows how vital it is that the world should be given that international security and peace without which the life both of nations and of individuals is worthless.

The idea of international solidarity based upon the solidarity of the United Nations in war has been discussed at length in the speeches of my predecessors at this assembly, and will be still further developed in discussions to come.

I wish to state emphatically and solemnly right at the beginning that the Yugoslav Government and the Yugoslav peoples will remain the defenders of peace and freedom, and will do all in their power to assist any initiative aiming at the limitation and exclusion of war as a means of international policy.

The Yugoslavia of today has arisen out of the struggle of the National Army of Liberation under the leadership of Marshal Tito during the present war, and it is based precisely on those same great principles which are necessary for the peace and security of the world. Her new spirit, her new national army and her entire present structure embody a new concept of unity which has made Yugoslavia an important factor of order, progress, and security in our part of the world.

The representatives of the different countries did not fail to point out how deeply rooted is the idea of peace among their peoples and to which extent their nations are determined to safeguard this supreme human desire. All of them have spoken of the efforts made and the sacrifices borne for common victory in this war, and of the efforts and contributions their nations are ready to make to achieve and organize the peace of the world.

What is there left, Fellow Delegates, for Yugoslavia to add?

The events in my country and the experience of my peoples in this war represent perhaps the most conclusive example of the horrors of modern aggression and total war. There is no experiment in the spiritual and material destruction to which the enemy of humanity, NaziFascism, did not resort in its systematic efforts to exterminate the peoples of Yugoslavia. This terrible and painful history is sufficiently known to you and to all the world; but I still consider that there may be a few details which should be submitted before this solemn gathering.

Yugoslavia became the object of unprovoked aggression at the moment when, through the will of her people, she stood up as a bulwark against Hitler's drive to Southeast Europe, which was a necessary preliminary to his attack on the Soviet Union. In the most critical period of the war, when practically all Europe was conquered and England remained alone to face the planned invasion, the Yugoslav nation struck a powerful blow at Germany. The people rose against the aggressor and started a lifeand-death struggle for freedom and independence.

The manner in which the attack was perpetrated, without declaration of war, by a barbaric bombardment of our capital, Belgrade; the means which our enemies used in this struggle; the premeditated organization of the attack by Germany, Italy, and their satellites these are some of the most perfidious crimes in the whole career of Nazi-Fascist international gangsterism.

Apart from the mass extermination of peaceful civilians, the destruction of thousands of villages and towns, and the systematic obliteration of spiritual and cultural centers of natural life, Yugoslavia was the victim of a most fiendish attempt at internal disintegration. All means which could be devised to make impossible the

restoration of the United Yugoslav State were employed with a scientific thoroughness.

The enemy is still today taking advantage of local Quislings and their accomplices who are trying to perform their treacherous activities both within and outside the country only and exclusively to the profit of the enemy.

All the differences which centuries of foreign domination and of the policy of "divide and conquer" left behind among the Yugoslav peoples were used to that end. In this process the Yugoslav nation numbering some 15 million suffered more than a million and a half victims. Why was it that Hitler's Moloch exacted of Yugoslavia one of the heaviest tolls? The answer is simple. Because the peoples of Yugoslavia, exposed for the last thousand years to the attacks of the same aggressors, Germans and Italians, never accepted passively the rule of force but always fought to defend themselves and survive. The workshops of Hitler's criminals had for such nations nothing but destruction; their sole business was to make those countries the basis for further satisfaction of an insatiable greed to dominate the world.

I am sure these war criminals will be dealt with as they deserve and I can state emphatically that no other treatment of these great wrongdoers and enemies of humanity could be approved of by the peoples of my country.

The history of this war records clearly the reply which the Yugoslav peoples have given to these enemy endeavors. There were few small countries that stirred the world so deeply by struggling for survival and freedom against such great odds.

The only unconquered island in Hitler's Europe was Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav peoples did not pass a single day without blood, sweat, and tears. The history of Yugoslavia's sacrifices and of her contribution to the Allied war effort is the history of the heroic fighting of the Partisan forces in Yugoslavia. From the very first day of the war, up to the present, my freedom-loving peoples fought against Hitlerite and Fascist aggressors throughout the country; during the four years of unrelenting struggle resulting in military operations on a large scale, Yugoslavia pinned down great numbers of enemy forces that otherwise would certainly have fought the armies of our allies on other fronts at some of the most critical junctures of the war. This is the epic of Marshal Tito. This is the significance of the Yugoslav national struggle of liberation.

The magnitude of the price paid fills us with sorrow but our freedom was maintained, the fraternity and unity of our people was strengthened, and our duty as allies was fulfilled.

At this very moment Yugoslavia is still waging a deadly struggle against numerous Nazi divisions but at the same time in the liberated parts of the country we are laying down a solid foundation for a new and better life, organizing our people and preparing them to take their place among the freedom-loving and democratic nations of the world. Just because they know so well what a terrific price they have had to pay for the great achievements which they have realized in their new democratic country and for their new and brotherly internal relations, the peoples of Yugoslavia are all the better able to appreciate their liberty and independence and the peace among nations. And just as they knew how to fight for peace, they will also know how to protect it in the future with all the means at their disposal.

Let us therefore find a solution for the question of the organization of peace and let us give to the peoples of the world that feeling of security and justice which is needed so that they may concentrate all their efforts on healing the wounds and destruction of war and building a better future through co-operation among nations. What, indeed, would be the use of the most accomplished material

rehabilitation if in the course of a few years we should again be exposed to the horrors of war and aggression?

The problem of reconstruction and rehabilitation presents a special task to the United Nations. I can tell you right now that Yugoslavia needs assistance. But may I point out to you that the question of the help which may be tendered to us by our friends and allies is distinct · from the question of reparations which must be paid by our enemies. We count on these reparations as a right deriving from the principle of responsibility for damage. At the same time, let me repeat, we need also the material help of our allies for the rehabilitation of our country. The country is appallingly ravaged and pillaged. Masses of people have been impoverished and are in need of the barest necessities of clothing, food, medicine, agricultural equipment, livestock, and so on. Its communications, industry, and all means of production are in a terrible state. These necessities cannot be provided out of reparations which will come at a later date but only by speedy Allied assistance during the present critical period.

In speaking of the Allied assistance, I feel it my duty to say what a great debt of gratitude we owe to our allies, the Soviet Union, the United States of America, and the United Kingdom. I would like to thank them on this solemn occasion both for the material help to our peoples in the war and for the precious services which their great leaders, the late President Roosevelt, Marshal Stalin, and Prime Minister Churchill have given us in the course of the solution of many of our problems.

I think I am not exaggerating if I say that Yugoslavia -owing to the foresight of her peoples and the friendly services of our friends-is today a part of Europe where instead of conflicts and differences of views and interests there now exists harmony and co-operation among the most important representatives of the United Nations. Fellow Delegates, this review of the struggle, sufferings, and policy of Yugoslavia was necessary in order to understand our attitude at this historical meeting in San Francisco.

A country which has exerted such great effort and suffered so many of the horrors of war, both needs and desires peace, a just peace, for which it is also prepared to make sacrifices. Yugoslavia is therefore all the more ready to assist sincerely every initiative and action aiming at the organization of international co-operation.

The new democratic Yugoslavia sees in the Conference of the United Nations for International Organization a guaranty of its own peace and security. The Yugoslav Government and the Yugoslav peoples firmly believe in the success of this Conference beause they are fully aware of what its failure would mean.

The failure of the Conference would be a terrible blow to the whole world and let us all be very cautious not to assume any such historical responsibility. We must also realize that some countries offer better guaranties of peace than others not only because of their greater power but also because of the greater readiness with which they have stood up in the defense of peace and of the principles on which peace rests.

We trust that the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals drafted by our great allies and accepted by all the United Nations as a basis for discussion, will receive at this Conference their definite form in the historic charter which it is our aim to constitute. We are convinced that unity and cooperation among the great powers is indispensable for the success of the Conference and for the establishment of the International Organization, as it was indispensable for the successful waging and winning of this difficult and complicated war. The harmony among the great powers is a necessary prerequisite for the realization of the idea of the United Nations rendering the present Confer

ence possible in the very midst of this dreadful war. The solidarity among the United Nations can only be maintained through the recognition and the application of the principle of sovereign equality of all the members -small and large alike—of the future International Organization, bearing, however, in mind the strength which particular countries dispose of and which on behalf of the Organization they will accordingly be entrusted with. The agreed sacrifice of a certain part of the principle of sovereignty can be understood only as a necessary contribution if it is made as a contribution to the general community of nations for the purpose of the maintenance of peace and justice amongst nations.

Peace and security are interdependent and indivisible but neither can be realized without material force capable, whenever necessary, of protecting order and guaranteeing the fulfillment of the assumed commitments. But the International Organization must also be based on moral values which derive from human conscience and which are expressed in the ideas of justice, legality, freedom, and democracy. It is only through this combination of moral values and material strength that we will be able to organize the successful functioning of the international system. It is only in this same way that we can institute a watchful control over all the developments in international life which might first cause division and conflicts among nations and then gradually lead to unavoidable armed interventions.

The existing modern means of destruction as well as those which in the future will certainly be achieved are a sufficient warning to humanity of what another world war would be like. Before the vision of such a cataclysm no effort to safeguard peace is too great, nor any sacrifice too costly. We can draw valuable experience from the mistakes which were committed in the past and especially from the mistakes and shortcomings of the League of Nations. Our determination to solve the problem of peace organization must never diminish. No disagreements or questions which may arise during our discussions will prove impossible to solve if we always bear in mind the alternative which we shall be confronted with sooner or later if the idea of international procedure for a peaceful settlement of dispute is forsaken.

If the principle of collective security and indivisibility of peace is a necessity for the great powers it is even more so for the small countries which in fact have no other choice.

Yugoslavia, living under constant threat from aggressive nations at northern and western boundaries lying on the crossroads where important international communications and interests meet, has always been dragged into conflicts and wars in our part of the world. Her legitimate concern for peace and security makes it imperative for her to do her full part toward removing the causes of war in the future and to insist that all other countries should do likewise.

Yugoslavia is a signatory of the Declaration of the United Nations and she looks upon all the statements of the major Allies-from the Atlantic Charter to the agreements of Moscow and the Crimea as pillars of a new and better world. Her peoples believe that organized international solidarity can and will succeed if based on the principles of peace, justice, and security.

MR. MOLOTOV (speaking in Russian; English version as delivered by interpreter follows): Fellow Delegates, the list of those who have expressed a desire to address the Conference has been exhausted.

This concludes the series of statements by chairmen of delegations.

The Eighth Plenary Session of the Conference is hereby adjourned. (6:15 p.m.)