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Let us face hard facts. A long effort is required of all are to be maintained, of man power, of industrial orof us before an effective rule of law is established in ganization, of military equipment, of security bases under world affairs. We in China know it by bitter experience. the aegis of the United Nations, and also vital problems The rule of law was to have been defended by the old of economic recovery and development on which the life League of Nations; but it was disregarded, as we learned of every nation depends. to our cost, despite the most solemn covenants entered If there is any message that my country, which has into by would-be defaulters.

been one of the principal victims of aggression and the Why did collective security under the League finally earliest victim, wishes to give to this Conference, it is fail to the point that none of the belligerents who were that we must not hesitate to delegate a part of our sovpermanent members of the League's Council invoked the ereignty to the new International Organization in the Covenant at the outbreak of this terrible war? Because interests of collective security. We must all be ready much of the real power in the world was not present in to make some sacrifices in order to achieve our comthe League. The United States was not a member; the mon purpose. Among nations, no less than among inSoviet Union's voice was not always heeded; and China dividuals, we must forthwith accept the concept of liberty was only occasionally represented on its Council; while under law. Japan, Italy, and Germany were allowed simply to resign We of the Chinese delegation come from a part of the after committing acts of aggression with complete im- world with teeming populations whom the cataclysm of punity.

this war has stirred to the very depths of their souls. Today it is different. Today victory is the result of the They have witnessed the rise and fall of mighty emcumulative efforts of collective security in action. Ger- pires; they have gauged, by the precepts of their own many and Japan are to be kept powerless to do harm. philosophies, the depth of villainies perpetrated by the The United States and the Soviet Union are now among exponents of brute force, and they have appreciated fully the chief artisans of the new international order, and the majestic surge of the power of free men joined in their overwhelming strength will be joined with that of comradeship; and they now strive ardently to attain the the other powers to back it. Its authority will be upheld common goal of human liberty within a commonwealth by all the powerful nations of our day.

of free people. To insure the fulfillment of our aims for effective in- MR. STETTINIUS: The Chair now recognizes His Externational organization we must lose no time. We must cellency, Mr. V. M. Molotov, People's Commissar for Fornot leave this Conference without having arranged for eign Affairs and chairman of the delegation of the Union the setting up of a new international organization.

of Soviet Socialist Republics. The Council will have to deal with security arrange- (Address by Mr. Molotov in the Russian language.) ments as varied as the requirements of the situations to MR. STETTINIUS: Mr. Molotov's address will now be be met. There will be problems of what security forces translated in English by Mr. Pavlov.

First Plenary Session ...

Address by V. M. Molotov


MR. MOLOTOV (through interpreter): M" Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: On instructions of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, I should like at the very beginning of my speech that I am making on behalf of the Soviet delegation at this historic Conference, to express my deep gratitude to the Government of the United States of America, and to Secretary of State Mr. Stettinius personally, for the immense amount of work of preparation carried out by them prior to this Conference, and also for the excellent organization of the Conference of the United Nations. At the same time, I should like to seize this opportunity to express on behalf of the Soviet delegation my most sincere gratitude to Mr. Lapham, Mayor of San Francisco, for the cordial hospitality extended to my delegation in San Francisco.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the Soviet Government attaches a great importance to the international conference in San Francisco.

The end of the war has drawn near, at least in Europe. The rout of Hitler-Germany, the principal aggressor in this war, has become a fact. The time has come to take care of the postwar period of the future. This Conference is called upon to consider the question of setting up an organization to protect the general peace and security of nations after the war. This clearly shows how great is the responsibility resting upon this Conference.

Today as well as on many other occasions. we must remember the great name of President Franklin Roosevelt. His services in this struggle for the achievement of a

lasting peace, and in the preparation of this historic Con ference, have met with a wide recognition among all the peace-loving nations. The second World War by far exceeded the first World War in the magnitude of military operations and the size of the armies involved, and in lives lost, as well as in the unusually severe consequences for the life of many peoples.

Hitler-Germany which started this war did not shrink from any crimes in trying to impose her domination in Europe and to pave the way to the world domination of German imperialism. Mass murders of children, women, and old men, the extermination of nations in their entirety, the wholesale destruction of peaceful citizens who were not to the liking of Fascists, the barbaric destruction of culture and of recalcitrant men, prominent in culture, the destruction of many thousands of towns and villages, the dislocation of economic life of nations, and incalculable losses, all this cannot be forgotten.

In the past German Fascism not only openly prepared its armies and armaments for a piratic attack on peaceful countries, but Hitlerism cynically adjusted the ideology of many millions of people in its country for the purposes of achieving domination of a foreign nation.

This purpose was also served by the illiterate misanthropic theories on the Ger an master race, in whose services foreign nations were supposed to be. Long before the direct attack on its neighbors, itlerism openly prepared for a criminal war, which it started at the moment of its own choosing.

As it is well known, Hitlerism found unscrupulous

henchmen and sanguinary accomplices. It is also well known that when German Fascism, which had made an easy tour of all Europe, invaded the Soviet Union, it faced an unflinching adversary.

The country of Soviets, which has saved the European civilization in bloody battles with German Fascism, with good reason reminds now the governments of their responsibility for the future of peace-loving nations after the termination of this war. This is all the more necessary to do, that before this war the warning voice of the Soviet Republic was not heard with due attention. This is no time to explain at length why this happened. It cannot be proved that there was no desire to prevent the war. It has been fully proved, however, that the governments which claimed once the leading part in Europe manifested their inability if not reluctance to prevent the war, with the consequences of which it will be not so easy

to cope.

The Conference is called upon to lay the foundations for the future security of nations. It is a great problem which it has been, thus far, impossible to solve successfully. Anybody knows that the League of Nations in no way coped with these problems; it betrayed the hopes of those who believed in it. It is obvious that no one wishes to restore the League of Nations with no rights and powers which did not interfere with any aggressor preparing for war against peace-loving nations, and which sometimes even lulled outright the nations' vigilance with regard to impending aggression. The prestige of the League of Nations was especially undermined whenever unceremonious attempts were made to turn it into a tool of various reactionary forces and privileged powers.

If the sad lessons of the League of Nations have to be mentioned now, it is only in order that past errors may be avoided which must not be committed under the sign of new and profuse promises. It is impossible, however, to count indefinitely on the patience of nations if the governments manifest their inability to set up an international organization protecting the peaceful lives of peoples, their families, their young generations, against the horrors and hardships of new, piratic, imperialist wars.

The Soviet Government are a sincere and a firm champion of the establishment of a strong international organization of security. Whatever may depend upon them and their efforts in their common cause of the creation of such a postwar organization of peace and security of nations will be readily done by the Soviet Government.

We will fully co-operate in the solution of this great problem with all the other governments genuinely devoted to this noble cause. We are confident that this historic aim will be achieved by joint efforts of peace-loving nations in spite of all the obstacles in the way of this achievement.

This work which was carried out at Dumbarton Oaks last year—and which is well known to all of us—is an important contribution to this cause. Representatives of the United States of America, Great Britain, China, and the Soviet Union, worked out there such principles of the international security organization as will constitute an important basis for the international organization of a new type.

Quite recently, at the suggestion of the late great President Franklin Roosevelt, the Crimean Conference made important supplements to this draft. As a result, this Conference has a sound basis for successful work, naturally, that the new organization of international security will be built upon the foundation laid by the United Nations in this war.

It is well known that in Europe in the straining struggle against the common enemy, a great coalition of democratic powers was formed. The formation of AngloSoviet-American coalition insured the rout of German

Fascism and its henchmen. The other nations of Europe, led by this coalition, have been fighting for their liberation. The coalition of great powers, with their inflexible will to defend their national interests and to promote the liberation of all the other nations which fell victim to sanguinary aggression, is consummating the task of defeating the enemy of all the United Nations. This coalition would accomplish it because it was conscious of its historic mission and because it possessed immense man power and material resources which were invariably used in the interests of the struggle against the enemy.

But we must always bear in mind that prestige acquired is easily wasted. If we forget certain elementary things, such as the lessons of the League of Nations, all the lessons of this war in which the democratic nations rallied against an imperialist power—which considered itself master of Europe and which intended to impose its will—will lie on the whole world. This coalition was forged in the fire of struggle and rendered a great service to the cause of the United Nations. It must be admitted that the presence in this coalition of such a country as the Soviet Union, where relations between great and small nations are based on equality and true democracy, is of extremely great importance.

On the other hand, it is impossible to overrate the active part played in this coalition by the United States of America, which formerly remained aloof from the problems of international organization and which is now devoting to this cause its initiative and enormous international prestige.

This coalition would have been nearly impossible without Great Britain, which holds an important place in the international association of democratic countries. China in Asia and France in Europe are the great nations which strengthened this coalition as a powerful world factor in the postwar period as well.

If the leading democratic countries show their ability to act in harmony in the postwar period as well that will mean that the interests of peace and security of nations have received at last a firm basis and protection. But that is not all. The point at issue is whether other peaceloving nations are willing to rally around these leading powers to create an effective international security organization, and this has to be settled at this Conference in the interests of the future peace and security of nations.

An international organization must be created having certain powers to safeguard the interests of the general peace. This organization must have the necessary means for military protection of the security of nations.

Only if conditions are created such as will guarantee that no violation of the peace or the threat of such a violation shall go unpunished, and the adoption of necessary punitive measures is not too late, will the organization of security be able to discharge its responsibility for the cause of peace. Thus, the point at issue is the creation of an effective organization to protect the general peace and security of nations for which all the sincere partisans of the peaceful development of nations have long been yearning but which has always had numerous irreconcilable enemies in the camp of the most aggressive imperialists. After innumerable sacrifices borne in this war and after suffering and hardships experienced in these past years, the urge of nations for the establishment of such an organization is especially strong.

The opponents of the creation of such an international organization have not laid down their arms. They are carrying on their subversive activities even now, though in most cases they are doing it in a latent and veiled form. For these purposes they frequently use ostensibly the most democratic watchwords and arguments, including the professed protection of the interests of small na

tions or of the principles of the equity and equality of na- viet Union who know how to defend to the last with arms tions. But in the end it is not important what reasons of in hand their Motherland. At the same time, it is espeprotection have been used to disrupt the establishment of cially in our country of the Soviet that the people are dean effective organization of the security of nations. voted with all their hearts to the cause of the establish

If even now no such an effective organization is created ment of a durable general peace and are willing to supto protect the postwar peace, this will be another indica- port with all their forces the efforts of other nations to tion of the inability to cope with these great problems by create a reliable organization of peace and security. means of the forces available. But that will not prove that I wish you to know that the Soviet Union can be relied the necessity for such an organization has not yet arisen upon in the matter of safeguarding the peace and secuand that such an organization will not be set up ul- rity of nations. Our peaceful people, the Soviet Governtimately.

ment, the Red Army, and our great Marshal Stalin are We must not minimize the difficulties involved in the inflexibly supporting this great cause. It is the most imestablishment of the international security organization. portant task of the delegation of the Soviet Government With our eyes closed we shall not be able to find the road. to express the sentiments and thoughts of the Soviet We must warn of these difficulties in order to overcome

people. them and, avoiding illusions, to find at least a reliable I conclude my speech by expressing the heartfelt road to march along toward the achievement of the noble wishes for our joint success in the work of the Conobjectives.

ference. As far as the Soviet Union is concerned, I should like (Translation of Mr. Molotov's speech into French.) to assure the Conference at this time that in our country MR. STETTINIUS: My friend, may I interrupt just one the whole people are brought up in the spirit of faith and moment to say that after Mr. Molotov's speech is transdevotion to the cause of setting up a solid organization lated into French, Mr. Anthony Eden will speak. of international security.

I beg your pardon. I should like also to assure the Conference that the So- (Translation of Mr. Molotov's speech into French.) viet people will readily heed the voice, wishes, and sug- MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, the Chair now gestions of all the sincere friends of this great cause recognizes the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, among the nations of the world.

the chairman of the delegation of the United Kingdom, You know that there are millions of people in the So- Mr. Anthony Eden.

First Plenary Session...

Address by Anthony Eden


MR. EDEN: Mr. Chairman, Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: No more suitable setting could have been found anywhere for this assembly than the splendid city of San Francisco, one of the main centers of the United Nations war effort-San Francisco, whose confidence in the future is only equalled by its sense of comradeship today. Our deep gratitude, Sir, is due to the city itself and to the whole State of California, which with traditional hospitality has opened its gates to us, and also to the Government and the people of the United States who in a wider sense are our hosts at this momentous function. We thank you, Sir, and through you all those who have helped to organize this Conference, for the labor which they have given so generously in the common cause.

Sir, we are met here in the shadow of a grievous loss. No one can speak in this assembly without recalling Franklin Roosevelt, the friend of free people, the good neighbor. He looked forward to continuing in peace that close association of the free nations which has brought us to the very edge of victory and from which the meeting today has sprung. It was he who named them the United Nations and we shall best honor his memory by proving ourselves worthy of that proud title.

Sir, let us be clear about the purposes of this conference. We are not here to draft the terms of a treaty of peace. We are met to agree to set up a world organization which will help to keep the peace when the victory is finally won as it will be over both Germany and Japan.

There have been moments in history when mankind has tried by the creation of some international machinery to solve disputes between nations by agreements and not by force. Hitherto, Sir, all these endeavors have failed. Yet no one here doubts that despite these earlier failures a

further attempt must be made and this time we must succeed.

All the causes, and there were many, which made some form of international machinery desirable after the last war make it indispensable today. In the last hundred years, and especially in the last twenty-five years, the discoveries of science have served to enrich and sometimes to endanger the world but above all to contract it. We have entered an age, and we would do well to remember it, when no national barrier, whether mountain or ocean, can guarantee security against the new weapons which science has placed at the disposal of mankind.

This hard fact is now biting deeply into the conscious-, ness of all peoples, and they are, as I believe, ready to accept its implications and to shoulder the responsibilities which it imposes. Therein, Ladies and Gentlemen, lies the main difference between today and the lost opportunities at the end of the last world war. Today this fact is patent to all. No one will dispute it.

Whether we will or not, we are all now one another's neighbors. San Francisco is as close to Berlin or to Tokyo now as New York was to Washington a hundred years ago. The world of today is one large city, and our countries are its several parishes. We are the citizens. Either together we must find some means of ordering our relations with justice and fair-dealing, while allowing nations great and small full opportunity to develop their free and independent life—either we must do that—or we shall soon head for another world conflict which this time must bring utter destruction of civilization in its trail.

Ladies and Gentlemen, it is no exaggeration to say that the work which we are starting on here in this meeting may be the world's last chance. That is why the governments of the four countries who sponsored the invitation to this Conference asked their representatives to meet eration for others and with restraint upon its own selfish together and to work out Proposals which might later impulses. form the basis of an international agreement. They did What was the most sinister feature of the years which so at Dumbarton Oaks. Their work was examined and immediately preceded the present struggle? It was, I was completed in the Crimea. The final outcome is now submit to you, the deliberate debasement of international before you, and now, Sir, there are one or two brief ob- conduct in which Germany, Italy, and Japan engaged to servations about these Proposals which I would make. further their own selfish plan. It was the practice of these

In the first place, these Proposals admittedly consti- powers, not only persistently to violate their engagetute a compromise. In the second place, they do not con- ments, but to use new engagements which they so readily stitute an attempt by the four powers to dictate to the undertook after each aggression as a cloak to cover their rest of the world what form the future world Organiza- next triumph. That was the technique. And what was the tion should take. They are suggestions which we present result? There came a time when the outraged forces of to you—which unitedly we present to you—for your con- civilization had to call a halt to these practices, and so sideration. Nor, Sir, are they intended to stand un- inevitably the world was plunged into another war. changed until the end of time. For our part, His Maj- Great powers have a special responsibility to guard esty's Government in the United Kingdom are prepared against the recurrence of such practices. So I have laid to accept and endorse them, to do their best to give them emphasis on the provision of international machinery for life because we believe that they can form a basis for a the settlement of political disputes. But of equal imporfuture world organization which will help to provide us tance with this is the solution of economic problems with that security which is today mankind's greatest which if untended can themselves sow the seeds of future need. But, Ladies and Gentlemen, security is not itself a war. This will be the task of the Economic and Social final end. It is indispensable if we are to make true free- Council which finds its place in the Proposals now before dom possible; not otherwise can we hope to realize a you. It is our duty to insure that this Council shall be well world in which justice for nations as well as for indi- adapted to play its full part in our new structure of peace. viduals can prevail.

Here then, Sir, are our two immediate tasks, political But, Ladies and Gentlemen, this security cannot be and economic. Let us press them vigorously to a conclucreated in a day nor by any documents, however admir- sion. World events of unprecedented magnitude, both in able. It must be the product of time and of constant ef- the East and in the West, crowd upon us at every hour. fort, of learning to work together, of practicing and up- If we order our labors efficiently, if we work to the utmost holding accepted standards of international conduct. of our strength, it should surely be possible for us to

The important thing is to begin now. Now here, Sir, let agree on our Charter within four weeks from now. me sound a note of warning and make a suggestion. Let So I hope we shall set ourselves such a target and deme say how emphatically I agree with your words of a termine to reach it. We cannot afford to delay. This Conshort while ago. Let us not at this session attempt too ference bears heavy responsibilities; it has also splendid much. We cannot hope here to produce a complete opportunities. Let it seize them now. scheme, perfect in all its elaborate details, for the future Ladies and Gentlemen, before I conclude, I would just ordering of the world under all possible circumstances. I like to give you one experience which was mine in the am persuaded on the contrary that we shall be wise to set early days of this war, which I think has perhaps its lesourselves a goal more within the compass of our imme- son for us all in the work we have to do. In the early days diate possibilities. We shall have taken the indispensable of this war, I went to Egypt to greet soldiers from Ausfirst step. If we can now draw up a charter within the tralia and from New Zealand who had come to that counframework of our principles, the details can then be left try to protect the Suez Canal against the imminent threat to be filled in in the light of experience.

of Mussolini's aggression. On the evening after they had Well I know that what I have said just now is essen- arrived, I was speaking to a number of the men on the tially an Anglo-Saxon conception, and I am conscious motives that had made them volunteer to come those that there are others here and that therefore this con- many thousands of miles for this duty. And of the group ception may be challenged by others; but, Sir, I am con- as we talked, one man remained quite silent. At last, I vinced that in this particular case it is right, and I will turned to him and I said, “And what made you come claim that its merit is capable of proof by reference to here?” And he replied, "I guess there is a job of work to historical facts.

be done." Now, Sir, let me make a brief reference to the Pro- Sir, in the last six terrible years, unnumbered men have posals themselves. They impose obligations equally on all died to give humanity another chance; unnumbered men of us, on every power here represented. But I am con- have died because they felt there was a job of work to be scious that a special responsibility lies on great powers done. We too have a job of work to do if we are not to in these days when industrial potential is so decisive a fail these men. Let us do it with courage, modesty, and factor in military struggle.

dispatch. Let us do it now. Now, Sir, great powers can make a two-fold contribu- MR. STETTINIUS: Ladies and Gentlemen, that concludes tion. They can make it by their support of this Organiza- the First Plenary Session of the Conference. The Steertion. They can make it also by setting themselves certain ing Committee, may I remind you, will meet again tostandards in international conduct and by observing morrow morning at 10:30 in the same room in which those standards scrupulously in all their dealings with we met this morning. The Second Plenary Session will other countries.

be held in this Opera House at 3:30 tomorrow afternoon Sir, the greater the power any state commands, the when we will hear from certain of our other distinguished heavier its responsibility to wield its power with consid- chairmen of delegations. We stand adjourned.

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Verbatim Minutes ...


APRIL 27, 1945, 3:58 P.M.

MR. STETTINIUS: Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Second Plenary Session of the United Nations Conference on International Organization is hereby convened.

The first part of our session this afternoon will be devoted to the business of organizing the Conference. After this is completed, the chairmen of the delegations, other than the chairmen of the sponsoring delegations who spoke at the First Plenary Session yesterday, will address the Conference.

The chairmen of the delegations met yesterday morning and again this morning for the purpose of considering and recommending to the Plenary Session the organization of the Conference. The meeting of the chairmen of delegations appointed the chairman of the delegation of Cuba, Dr. Guillermo Belt, as rapporteur, who will now present to you his report based upon the action of the Steering Committee. Each item as it is presented by Dr. Belt will be considered immediately after it is read.

And I now welcome Dr. Belt to the rostrum.

DR. BELT: Thank you, Mr. Stettinius. The chairmen of all delegations represented at the United Nations Conference on International Organization met on April 26 and 27, 1945, at 10:30 a.m. for the purpose of organizing the Conference. The Honorable Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., temporary President of the Conference, acted as Chairman.

Working languages of the Conference:

The meeting recommends that at plenary sessions of the Conference addresses in English or French would not be interpreted into the other language, but that a translation would appear subsequently in the "Record.” Delegates would be free to use any other language besides English or French, but in this case they should provide interpretations thereof into either English or French, at their choice. Interpretations may be made into both English or French if the speaker desires.

As regards meetings of commissions, technical committees, and subcommittees, it is recommended that interpretations from English into French and vice versa would be provided if the meeting in question so desired. Delegates would be free in these bodies also to speak in any other language, but should provide their own interpretations into either English or French.

MR. STETTINIUS: Does any delegate wish to comment upon this recommendation? In the absence of objection, the recommendation will be approved.

Dr. Belt, will you continue with your report?
DR. BELT: Official languages of the Conference:

The meeting recommends that English, Russian, Chinese, French, and Spanish be the official languages of the Conference.

A more detailed report on the question of languages will be submitted tomorrow.

MR. STETTINIUS: Is there any comment on this recommendation by any delegate? If not, the recommendation is approved.

DR. BELT: The meeting unanimously elected the chairman of the delegation of Cuba as its rapporteur.

Secretary General of the Conference:

The meeting recommends the confirmation of the temporary Secretary General, Mr. Alger Hiss, as the Secretary General of the Conference.

MR. STETTINIUS: Hearing no objection, Ladies and Gentlemen, Mr. Hiss is approved by acclamation.

DR. BELT: Organization of the Conference:

The meeting approved the memorandum prepared by the temporary Secretary General on the proposed organization of the Conference, and will submit to the Conference its report based thereon as soon as possible.

Election of presiding officers:

The meeting recommends that there be four Presidents, who will preside in rotation at the plenary sessions. These four may meet from time to time, with Mr. Stettinius presiding over these meetings, and Mr. Stettinius to be Chairman of the Executive and Steering Committees, the three others delegating full powers to Mr. Stettinius for conducting the business of the Conference.

MR. STETTINIUS: Has any delegate any comment on this suggestion ? Is there any objection?

The recommendation is approved. Dr. Belt, will you proceed? DR. BELT: Membership of the Executive Committee:

Francis Michael Forde or Herbert Vere Evatt, K.D., chairman of the delegation of Australia

Pedro Leao Velloso, chairman of the delegation of Brazil

W. L. Mackenzie King, M.P., chairman of the delegation of Canada

Joaquín Fernández y Fernández, chairman of the delegation of Chile

T. V. Soong, chairman of the delegation of China

Jan Masaryk, chairman of the delegation of Czechoslovakia

Georges Bidault, chairman of the delegation of France

Mostafa Adl, chairman of the delegation of Iran

Ezequiel Padilla, chairman of the delegation of Mexico

Eelco N. van Kleffens, chairman of the delegation of the Netherlands

V. M. Molotov, chairman of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

Anthony Eden, chairman of the delegation of the United Kingdom

Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., chairman of the delegation of the United States

Ivan Subásic, chairman of the delegation of Yugoslavia.

MR. STETTINIUS: You have heard the recommendation for the membership of the Executive Committee. Are there any further nominations? If there are no further nominations, members of the Executive Committee will stand approved as recommended by the Steering Committee. Dr. Belt.

DR. BELT: Agenda of the Conference:

The meeting recommends that the Conference approve as its agenda the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals as supplemented at the Crimea Conference and by the Chinese proposals agreed to by all the sponsoring governments, and the comments thereon submitted by the participating countries.

MR. STETTINIUS: Has any delegate any comment on this recommendation? If there is no comment, the recommendation stands approved.

DR. BELT: Rules of procedure:

The meeting discussed the rules of procedure for the Conference on the basis of a memorandum prepared by the Secretariat. The report of the meeting will be submitted to the Conference in plenary session for its approval as soon as possible.

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