ganization the maximum quantity of armed forces sufficient for the suppression of aggression; and to convince this organization, in case of necessity, to send without any delay these armed forces for the prevention and liquidation of aggression, for the punishment of those guilty of aggression."

At the same time Marshal Stalin pointed out that the actions of that Organization would be sufficiently effective if the great powers who carried the main burden of the war against Hitlerite Germany would continue to act in the spirit of unanimity and accord. These actions will not be effective if a breach of this indispensable condition

occurs.

Such are the principles by which the Soviet Government has been guided while taking an active part in the establishment of the International Security Organization and by which the Soviet delegation has been guided in the course of the work of this Conference.

Naturally, at this final session a question arises as to the results of this Conference and whether it has fulfilled its task. The Charter of the Organization, which is the result of ceaseless work of delegations participat ing in the Conference, affords solid ground to consider the work of the Conference a success.

The Charter of the United Nations provides for the establishment of the Security Council possessing powers and means necessary for prevention or suppression of aggression. The Security Council, exercising its functions and powers for the maintenance of peace, will act on behalf of all members of the United Nations. States members of the United Nations, as the Charter provides, agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council. These provisions of the Charter alone emphasize the efficient character of the international machine for the maintenance of the peace which we are establishing.

The Charter provides that the body of the Security Council will include five great powers as permanent members; the Soviet Union, the United States of America, Great Britain, France and China. The decision of the Conference to give permanent seats in the Council to five great powers is recognition of the obvious fact that the Security Council can possess sufficient means and forces necessary for the maintenance of peace only if it permanently includes those countries which have sufficient resources in men and material necessary for the successful and effective fulfillment of its duties.

The whole world is aware of the role of these powers in their fight together against aggression in the course of the second world war, and the role played by each of them.

In the European war which has just ended the Allied powers demonstrated their ability to carry out the task of annihilating the strongest and most cunning en my in history. Without cooperation between them it would be impossible to carry out so successfully the task of defeating Hitlerite Germany. Without such cooperation, it would be impossible in the future to carry out the task of preserving peace.

The Conference devoted much of its time to the question of working out the part of the Charter dealing with the establishment of the second important organ of the Organization-the General Assembly and defining its functions and powers. These functions and powers, as defined by the Charter, give the Assembly great opportunities to make an important contribution to the cause of the maintenance of peace and security. Besides, within the sphere of functions and powers of the General Assembly there are a great number of questions on economic, social, political and cultural cooperation and other questions within the scope of the Charter and within the scope of functions and powers of the organs provided for

by this Charter; the Economic and Social Council, the Council on territorial trusteeship and other organs.

Thus, for each member of the International Organization, for all states, great and small, there are great opportunities for making contributions to the common cause of the maintenance of peace and strengthening cooperation between the United Nations in the interest of the well-being and prosperity of all peoples.

Of course in the course of the work of the Conference there were some difficulties and differences of views between separate delegations on these or other questions. However, one should be surprised not at the existence of these difficulties and not at the existence of different viewpoints between separate delegations on these or other questions, but at the fact that, as a result of the work of the Conference, all the main difficulties were overcome. and we succeeded in fulfilling successfully the tasks before the Conference. We prepared a document which should become the basis for the actions of the International Organization--its constitution. Naturally, the very best and most perfect Charter in itself is not yet a guarantee that its provisions will be carried out and n sure the preservation of peace. In order to achieve this important and noble task it is also necessary, in addition to the existing Charter, to have the unity and coordination of actions of members of the International Organization, and first of all the unity and coordination of actions between the most powerful military powers of the world. It is also necessary that all members of the International Organization should try to settle all disputes by peaceful means in the spirit of cooperation and goodwill.

The Delegation of the Soviet Union in the course of the work of the Conference aimed at the creation of a Charter of the International Organization which could guarantee the effective fulfillment of the tasks confronting the Organization.

I am glad to emphasize that the Soviet Delegation in its work found understanding and support on the part of many other delegations participating in this Conference. It could not be otherwise. The peoples of the countries represented at this Conference pursue a common objec tive to prevent the repetition of a new war.

The provisions of the Charter, which have been worked out, cover a great number of questions and problem defining the future activity of the Organization as a whole and its separate organs. In this connection it is necessary to point out specially the significance of those provisions of the Charter which refer to peaceful settlement of dis putes and conflicts. The participants in the Conference paid great attention to this field of their work. Under the Charter members of the International Organization obligate themselves to achieve peaceful settlements of the disputes. Let us hope that this aim will be fully realized.

In conclusion I wish to express confidence that this Conference of the United Nations will go down in the history of humanity as one of the most significant events and that our efforts will be beneficial for all peace-loving peoples of the world, who endured so many hardships and sufferings as a result of the conflagration set by Hitlerite Germany.

I take this occasion to thank the Government of the United States on behalf of the Soviet delegation for the hospitality shown to us, participants in the Conference, and especially to thank Mr. Truman, President of the United States, whom we have the pleasure of seeing to day at this historic final session of the United Nations Conference.

Now I also wish to thank Mr. Stettinius for his work and efforts directed towards the successful completion of the work of this Conference.

Final Plenary Session . . .

The United Kingdom is proud to have shared with our allies and friends in all that has led to this gathering of nations. And it is fitting that we should have met in a great American city. For it was a President of the United States who brought a project of peace before the world in 1918. To another President we largely owe our very name, our victory, and our present purpose. Finally, on this historic day in the world's long search for peace, his successor comes to set his own stamp of approval and support upon our labours.

Our work now stands for the world to judge and I am confident that neither Mr. Cordell Hull, in whose vision this design took shape, nor Mr. Stettinius, whose courage and character have served it well, need fear the verdict. For the Charter is a notable advance, both on all that has gone before and on the plan of the Sponsor Powers, from which it grew. I do not doubt that in this result the future will acknowledge the part of all nations, and not the least, I hope, that of the different members of the British Commonwealth. We cannot indeed claim that our work is perfect or that we have created an unbreakable guarantee of peace. For ours is no enchanted palace to "spring into sight at once," by magic touch or hidden power. But we have, I am convinced, forged an instrument by which, if men are serious in wanting peace and are ready to make

sacrifices for it, they may find means to win it.

Here in San Francisco we have seen but the beginnings of a long and challenging endeavour. And there is a sense in which what we have done here is less important than what we have learnt here. We have learnt to know one another better; to argue with patience; to differ with respect; and at all times to pay honour to sincerity. That the thought of many men of many nations should thus have met in a large constructive task will have a value beyond price during the coming years, as stone by stone we carry on what we have here begun. Time alone can show whether the house that we have tried to build rests upon shifting sand, or, as I firmly hope, upon solid rock, to stand as shield and shelter against every storm.

Long years ago in Europe men set themselves to raise a cathedral to God's glory. "Let us," they said, "build a church so great that those who come after us will think us mad to have attempted it." So they said, and wrought, and, after many years, achieved; and the great cathedral at Seville is their monument.

Let us also, mindful alike of the world's need and of our own weakness, pray that, under God's guidance, what we have done here in these last weeks will be found worthy of the faith that gave it birth and of the human suffering that has been its price.

Final Plenary Session . . .

I am greatly honored to speak in the presence of the President who personified the future of the great Republic which has extended its invaluable hospitality to the Conference. Having achieved freedom and peace among the States of which it is composed, it now turns to the noble task of establishing freedom and peace among all the States of the world.

I shall be brief, as befits the solemnity of the occasion. Of all the matters on which we have cause to rejoice deeply and sincerely at the results obtained, I simply wish to express the happiness of a country and of a man on seeing the ideas for which they have fought since the last war unanimously sanctioned by the Powers represented here.

A great and just ideal was conceived in the faith and enthusiasm which followed the last war. We built a League of Nations. Humanity, its wounds still bleeding, did not find the shelter it had hoped for, and a second world war came to ravage the human race.

For there was a serious flaw in the structure. When everything possible has been done to maintain peace, if the aggressor persists in his purpose, there is only one way to oppose him, and that is by force. But the Covenant of the League merely provided for the recommendation of military sanctions involving air, sea or land forces, and consequently left the nations the option of backing out.

Today this flaw has been eliminated. In the Charter sanctioned by this plenary assembly which President Truman has honoured by his presence, the obligation for

all Member States to help in suppressing aggression is plainly established. An international force is to be formed and placed at the disposal of the Security Council in order to ensure respect for its decisions. This force will consist of national contingents arranged for in advance by special agreements negotiated on the initiative of the Security Council. These special agreements will determine the composition of this force, its strength, degree of preparedness and location. If called upon to do so by the Security Council, the entire force will march against a State convicted of aggression, in accordance with the provisions for. enforcement as laid down for the Security Council.

An international Military Staff Committee will draw up plans for employing this collective force under an international command to be determined if and when occasion arises.

The international Military Staff Committee, which is to give technical advice to the Security Council as regards its military task, will be composed of the Chiefs of Staff of permanent members of the Council, it being understood that other States not permanent members, or not members of the Council, which are called upon to provide contingents in accordance with the special agreements to which they are parties, will also be called upon to attend meetings of the international Military Staff Committee, if and when the latter has to discuss how these contingents are to be used.

In this way, the international Organization will no longer be unarmed against violence. The forceful idea of our writer Pascal will no longer be belied: "Strength with

out justice is tyrannical, and justice without strength is a mockery."

That is the great thing, the great historic act accomplished by the San Francisco Conference, which gives to the world the hope, based on an obvious reality, that henceforward it may live in peace.

This reality is the unquestionable superiority which the sum total of the strength of the United Nations, their formidable resources in men and material, together with their productive capacity, will give them over an aggressor rising alone in rebellion, and the certainty of defeat will most probably discourage any aggressor from starting a fight.

But the United Nations, and more especially the great nations with a permanent seat on the Council, must remain truly united.

The whole efficacy of the Charter depends on this unity. In the hour when immense hope rises from our hearts, let us swear to remain faithful in peace to this unity which was our strength in war.

The war is not over, and from the sunny splendours of San Francisco, across the magnificent bay which spreads each morning before our eyes, a little tired because of the work we have taken upon ourselves, our good wishes accompany the soldiers and sailors of the United States setting out for the final onslaught.

But union has already brought us victory in Europe. Whole countries, including my own, have been freed from the hated yoke they suffered for four interminable years. And it is particularly in the name of these liberated countries which have endured all the physical and moral hardships of enemy occupation, which still suffer-and

Final Plenary Session . . .

suffer badly from its consequences, which are plundered and destroyed, hungry and cold; and because they feel more deeply, even in their physical being, the warmth of this welcome and the comforts lavished upon them-it is particularly on their behalf that I propose that the entire Conference express its grateful appreciation to California, to San Francisco, which have brought such joy to us, the representatives of these countries, and to them all.

This is the proposal which I offer for your endorsement: In recognition of the innumerable courtesies and manifestations of spontaneous hospitality which the people of San Francisco have offered to the members of the delegations to the United Nations Conference:

In recognition of the contribution which the arrangements for the reception and entertainment of the members of the delegations has made to their effective participation in the work of the Conference; and

In recognition of the efforts of the citizens of San Francisco, appointed by the Honorable Roger D. Lapham, Mayor of San Francisco, to the members of the United Nations Conference Committee, in the planning and organization of the hospitality extended to the delegations:

The chairmen of the delegations to the United Nations Conference on International Organization unanimously express their heartfelt thanks to the people of San Francisco and the members of the aforesaid Committee and request that the original of the present testimonial be deposited with His Honor the Mayor of San Francisco and that appropriate copies thereof be presented to the individual members of the Committee.

Foregathered in this beautiful city of San Francisco whose people have lavished upon us their splendid hospitality, we can now, after two months of difficult and arduous labor, offer to the world "The Charter of the United Nations," which is to govern its destiny. When we arrived here, victory, though near, had not yet come completely to the Allied armies in Europe. We had constantly before us the thought of the tragic and terrible spectacle of destruction and death in which our civilization was being consumed.

Now, by the grace of God, we are witnessing the end of this tremendous catastrophe which had its primary origin in a criminal mentality based on a false political philosophy, on pagan principles, on barbarous methods. This philosophy brought about the resurgence of the ancient peoples of conquest, looking and aiming toward the domination of the world by force, while trampling under foot the sacred principles of law and justice.

They chose the time to begin this monstrous war, and with a might of arms hitherto unknown they devastated and burned towns and delds, they slaughtered peaceful populations and took innocent lives, they sowed misery, pain and sorrow in an holocaust of immeasurable magnitude such as had never been known throughout history.

Once again the representatives of many nations, men of divers races and creeds, from all regions of the world, have gathered with one unspoken and constant purpose, that of doing all within their power to prevent such a war from occurring again, to prevent the world from becoming again an immense and desperate battlefield.

Our task here in San Francisco, complementary to that of the peace which must be drawn up in due time, with all its complexities and details, was of the greatest importance. The Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, revised and greatly extended in their political, juridical, social and economic aspects, have been fashioned into an instrument of international order, in the effectiveness of which we must all have the greatest confidence. It may have the faults inherent in anything made by man. But it can never be said that it was not created by capable men, moved by sincere good faith.

In the international as well as in the social field inequalities are unavoidable. They are derived from geographical, economic and historic factors which contributed to the formation of the nations of the earth. The remedy for this is to be found only in the principles and in the rule of law and justice. Before the law there are no great, medium or small powers. All have the same right to respect for their individuality, their territorial integrity and their complete independence. The nations here represented in one way or another fought with the means at their disposal against the forces of a philosophy which stood for the very opposite of the concepts just mentioned. They are firmly disposed to cooperate each within its own sphere, so that respect for law shall be the basic principle of their relationship and in order that the use of force be permitted only when it becomes necessary to enforce that respect.

As a citizen of a nation of the American continent, I cannot end this brief address without mentioning the role all these nations have played in San Francisco. The Amer

icas do not constitute a bloc. The Americas are much more than that: they constitute a way of life, a system with traditions and ideals peculiar to them, traditions going back more than sixty years, ideals of noble and rare degree. We are all firmly convinced that our interAmerican system will be a stimulus to the wishes for peace of the rest of the world. From the days of our independence we have always fought for the establishment of a solid international morality based on justice and peace, and the truth is that this principle has today such deep roots that none can uproot it in this hemisphere.

With such traditions and ideals, the contribution of the American nations could not fail to be of outstanding value.

They were supported in the fight for what they deemed indispensable to the existence of the continental system,

Final Plenary Session . . .

which, as was shown by the war, is necessary for the peace and security of the world, by the great sister nation which welcomed us in this magnificent city and which is represented in this closing session by her eminent President, Mr. Harry S. Truman, and her illustrious Secretary of State, Mr. Edward Stettinius. The United States, a powerful manifestation of the new world represented by this continent, constitutes a moral force without parallel in this historic moment. The awareness of this fact on the part of her people and her leaders is not a whit inferior to the faith we repose in them.

Let us all swear solemnly by this Charter, as we do by the Sacred Book, that by its means we shall maintain peace in the world and that we shall order the relations among all peoples in accordance with its principles of law and justice.

The great San Francisco Conference has terminated its all-important historic deliberations. To some it seemed too long. But if we consider the magnitude of our task, the conditions prevailing in this world of ours in April, 1945, and even today, if we realize how thoroughly our civilization has been shaken up by years of concentrated destruction of values material, moral and cultural, we are bound to come to the conclusion that the time spent on drafting the Charter, in my estimation one of the most important documents in human history, was neither long nor wasted. From fifty different countries-and how different-representatives came to the Golden Gate for a tremendous purpose, our handling of which shall be judged by many coming generations. The Czechoslovak delegation is proud of the opportunity to cooperate modestly in this epoch-making task.

A great deal has been said about the great, medium and small nations. Although the Czechoslovak Government from the beginning fullheartedly agreed with the thesis that the great powers, who will have to carry the overwhelming brunt of the political and economic responsibility, should have more to say than the rest of us, we realized at the same time that an honorable and dignified role could, would and should be played by any delegation who had something worth while to contribute. The Charter is the proof of both these points.

The impression may have been created in certain quarters that the forty-five so-called small and medium nations-though some of them are great in tradition and in achievement had been in a steady opposition to the Big Five. That is certainly not the case. On the contrary, a friendly and fruitful cooperation between all the fifty powers represented here was very much in evidence throughout our labors, even if sometimes differences of opinion were not unnoticeable. Let me repeat what I have often said before, that there are so many vital interests we have in common-the big and the small-and that the common denominator of peace with security is overwhelming. This has been so gloriously manifested on the fields of battle and we all hope will be equally strongly manifested once peace is established.

The small and smaller countries need security, crave security, pray for security, so that they can keep step with the great ones and serve humanity as equals among equals.

In a short while now we shall disperse into all corners of the earth to explain to our peoples what we did, why we did it and how we did it. It is my considered opinion that we can face our respective Governments, Parliaments and peoples with a calm conscience and a feeling of modest satisfaction.

This Charter is a good document, honestly arrived at, and if the same spirit of friendly cooperation prevails in bringing it into actual force, I do not see any insurmountable difficulties looming ahead.

We have in our hands an effective weapon against the repetition of wanton aggression by the beaten Nazi and Fascist evildoers, and after the second part of the war is crowned with the same absolute military victory-as it surely will be also against the medieval imperialism of the Japanese. There will be many important; complex and far-reaching problems to solve-but we can, we shall solve them. Because we know that sorely wounded humanity could not stand another cateclysm such as the one out of which we are laboriously, but victoriously, emerging at this moment.

May I in conclusion utter a humble word of warning? Let us please stop talking of the next world war. The language one hears in certain places is lamentably unconstructive, it arouses suspicions at a moment when mutual confidence is all-important. Not one of us in this room wants another war. None of us want the children of these selfless children of ours, whose graves are scattered as sacred mementos all over the face of the scarred earth-none of us want these children to die in another war in another generation-we want them to live and work for their respective countries in peace and security in a socially just and safe world. That's why we assembled here, that's why we drafted the Charter. It contains all the necessary safeguards against future wars. Let us see to it that our lofty aims are carried into deeds worthy of the memory of our heroic beloved youngsters.

The spirit and ideals of Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt are present here today. I know they would give us their blessing, and we the fifty nations united here are wishing Godspeed to their successor, Harry S. Trumanfor his journey to the next meeting and for a successful accomplishment of the gigantic task which he took over so ably, so efficiently and so humbly.

Final Plenary Session.

We have not completed the historic task so fervently awaited by all men of goodwill. To appreciate the profound significance of our successful undertaking, in whose execution its leaders have displayed extraordinary ability and wisdom, we need only to realize that the three great victorious powers-the United States, the Soviet Union and Great Britain-could have determined the immediate future of the world by themselves and for themselves. Instead, their Governments convoked all the United Nations, both great and small, to lay at this Conference the foundations of an international structure based on cooperation and law. The Governments of the great powers have done this because their peoples have charged them with the responsibility of protecting the coming generations against new and frightful sacrifices.

We may, therefore, assert that the Conference at San Francisco has not been a somber expression of force, but the embodiment of the highest aspiration of man toward permanent world peace and justice.

The manner in which the work of this Conference has been carried out constitutes a consecration of the principles of freedom and of the dignity of nations. And in itself this Conference has become a living proof of the spiritual value of Victory. For had the Nazi-Fascist dictatorships been triumphant, the world would have never been able to gaze upon the genuinely democratic spectacle of effective international cooperation.

The Charter is not only an instrument of security against the horrors of war. It is also, for the peoples who have been fighting to uphold the principles of human dignity, an instrument of well-being and happiness against the horrors of a peace without hope, in which men would be subjected to humiliating privations and injustices. "Blood, sweat and tears" comprised the glorious but provisional rule of war. It must not become the rule of peace.

The great powers will be the safest guarantors of world security. If good faith informs their actions and their actions conform to the standards of justice which should govern international friendship, the peoples of the world

Final Plenary Session

will be able to devote themselves to the task of developing prosperity, freedom and confidence, and the power of goodwill become stronger each day. On the other hand, were any of the great powers to rush headlong, spurred by illegitimate ambitions, mistrust and fear would emerge once more and the forces of evil would grow from day to day.

The small nations, who have displayed in this Conference a great sense of responsibility, noble cooperation and dignity, are destined to fulfill a great mission: to tend with devotion and courage the sacred fire of Law. They will not be alone in this luminous task, for the common men of all nations, great and small, hold the same aspirations and have the same faith in a common destiny. Whenever the cause of justice will raise its banner, the peoples, great and small, shall cry with the same conviction, shall act with the same strength.

The small nations must not forget that they are not too small to dream of, yearn and fight for the cause of mankind. Potent forces emanating from the great powers meet and support the aspirations and efforts of weaker peoples.

In this Charter are gathered all the hopes for human solidarity. Henceforth, no nation need any longer be isolated in silence and darkness, in the indifference or the complicity of the rest of the world. We are now met at the Forum of universal conscience.

Our faith must rest, not on the great or the small nations, but upon the common man of all nations. All peoples, large and small, fully know that the world cannot bear the terrible stress of another total war without turning back to the dark ages. There is, therefore, a peremptory necessity to live in peace. Let us have reciprocal confidence, let us have the full measure of our goodwill.

And in bidding each other farewell, let us engrave on our hearts and minds the conviction that unlimited opportunities now exist to alleviate suffering and to build in an atmosphere of enduring peace, the welfare, the freedom and the justice of a new world.

Today marks the end of this great historic occasion in which many nations, struggling for the establishment and support of peace, have participated. We have finished today what may be called the Charter of Justice and Peace, after hard work, long discussions and deliberations in order to put this Organization in the most effective form to safeguard peace and justice for the future world.

This Charter does not represent perfection as visualized by the small states. Nevertheless, it is doubtless the best ever produced by people representing fifty states, many of which have suffered much in their struggle for liberty, the defense of humanity and its liberation from slavery which only God knows how long would have lasted or when we would have been saved from its tragedies and calamities, had injustice prevailed.

We have seen the powers of tyranny prevail in Europe

and threaten the Near and Middle East. But, with God's help, these powers have been completely defeated. We, the sons of the Near and Middle East and particularly of the Arab Nations, are filled with happiness and joy at the collapse of these powers of evil, we look forward with rejoicing to the collapse of the last stronghold of tyranny and oppression. Indeed, the whole world is indebted for its survival to the United Nations, which engaged themselves in war, sacrificing the best of their youth and the wealth of their resources for their security and for the security of mankind.

In such a moment we should not forget the great efforts which were put forth by the late Franklin Delano Roosevelt for the cause of peace, and his farsighted action in initiating this Conference. By having achieved these purposes, we have given credit to his memory. We must also pay our tribute to President Truman for his