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building strongly guarded with armed men. Can you advise any method by which a conflict can be averted, and as to my duty in the premises? Thos. F. Purnell, U. S. Marshal.

Governor Davis to the President.

Austin, January 16, 1874. According to the constitution of our State, I am the Governor until the 28th of April next. Other State and county officers hold their terms for the same time. But to-day the persons composing what is called the fourteenth Legislature nave inaugurated Messrs. Coke and Hubbard as Governor and Lieutenant Governor. They will attempt to seize the Governor's office and buildings. Have made preparations to defend the offices, but I call upon you for military assistance to aid in defending the government offices and keeping the peace. Edmund J. Davis,


Attorney General to Governor Davis.

Washington, January 17. Hon. E. J. Davis, Austin, Texas: Your telegram oi yesterday stating that according to the constitution of Texas you are Governor until the twenty-eighth of April next, and that Hon. Richard Coke had been inaugurated and will attempt to seize the Governor's office and buildings, and calling upon the President for military assistance, has been referred by him to me for answer; and I am instructed to say, that after considering the fourth section of article four of the constitution of Texas, providing that the Governor shall hold his office for the term of four years from the date of his installment, under which you claim, and section three of the election declaration attached to said constitution under which you were chosen, and which provides that the State and other officers elected thereunder shall hold their respective offices for the term of years prescribed by the constitution, beginning from the day of their election, under which the Governor elect claims the office, and more than four years having expired since your election, he is of the opinion that your right to the office of Governor at this time is at least so doubtful that he does not feel warranted in furnishing United States troops to aid you in holding further possession of it, and he therefore declines to comply with your request.

Geo. H. Williams, Attorney General.

Governor Davis to the Attorney General.

Executive Office, State Of Texas, Austin, January 19, 1874. Sir: On the 17th inst. I received your telegram of that date stating, in substance, that the President declined to aid the present State government against domestic violence, because from a comparison of sec. 3 of what is called the election declaration, with the 4th sec. of art. 4 of the State constitution, it is at least "so doubtful" whether I am yet the Governor, he does not feel authorized to furnish assistance

Because, I suppose, that the records at Washington, connected with the reconstruction of this

State, will show the following facts, an examination of which must, I think, satisfy the President he has made a serious mistake, I have to call them to your and his attention.

First. The so-called "election declaration" is not attached to the constitution in the record of that instrument, and is no part of it.

Second. The election was not held under that declaration, which was set aside by act of Congress of the 10th of April, 1869.

Third. That declaration was not submitted by the President to a vote of the people when his proclamation was issued of the 15th of July, 1869; but the constitution only was submitted by him.

Fourth. There were scores more of similar declarations passed by that reconstruction convention, some of them donating large sums of money and making land grants to private enterprises. None of these, any more than the election declaration, were ever submitted to the people of Texas, or have any binding force, though some schemers interested therein are trying thus indirectly to get them all recognized.

Fifth. The Governor and other officers chosen at the election held under the orders of the military commander of this State, in pursuance of said act of Congress, were forbidden to qualify or be installed under the constitution until Congress accepted it, which was not done till March 30, 1870.

Sixth. I was appointed Provisional Governor by the military commander on the 11th day of January, 1870, and qualified as such by taking what was called the test oath, on the 17th of Januarv, 1870, and continued as Provisional Governor until the 28th day of April, 1870, when my inauguration as Constitutional Governor was had. During that interval even my official salary was different from what it became under the constitution.

Seventh. All other State, district, and county officers, except members of the Legislature, were controlled by the same regulations, under the reconstruction acts of Congress.

These facts, as I have said, should all appear in your records at Washington. I will add that nobody here in Texas seriously questioned my authority to hold my office for four years from the date of my inauguration till the combination was effected of which I telegraphed the President.

The persons claiming to be the fourteenth Legislature tried for two days after they met together here last week, by joint and special committees, appointed to interview me, to get me to recognize their body as a lawful Legislature, in defiance of the decision of the Supreme Court. They made no question about my authority as Governor, but said that would be conceded if I would only recognize them, and that they would not attempt to inaugurate Mr. Coke until the 28th day of April next. It was only after I refused this absolutely that the usurpation against which I called for assistance was entered upon.

I will further call to your attention a feature of the President's refusal to assist against this violence. He does not decide which is the legitimate State government. Now, the two parties

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President Grant's Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1873.

Fellow-citizens: Under Providence I have been called a second time to act as Executive over this great nation. It has been my endeavor in the past to maintain all the laws, and so far as lay in my power, to act for the best interests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in the same direction in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years' experience in the office.

When my first term of the office of Chief Executive began the country had not recovered from the effects of a great internal revolution, and three of the former States of the Union had not been restored to their Federal relations. It seemed to me wise that no new questions should be raised so long as that condition of affairs existed. Therefore, the past four years, so far as I could control events, have been consumed in the effort to restore harmony, public credit, commerce, and all the arts of peace and progress. It is my firm conviction that the civilized world is tending towards republicanism, or government by the people through their chosen representatives, and that our own great Republic is destined to be the guiding star to all others. Under our Republic we support an army less than that of any European power of any standing, and a navy less than that of either of at least five of them.

There could be no extension of territory on this continent which would call for an increase of this force, but rather might such extension enable us to diminish it.

The theory of government changes with the general progress. Now that the telegraph is made available for communicating thought, together with rapid transit by steam, all parts of a continent are made contiguous for all purposes of government, and communication between the extreme limits of the country made easier than it was throughout the old thirteen States at the beginning of our national existence.

The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and make him a citizen. He is not possessed of the civil rights which citizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should be corrected.

To this correction I stand committed, so far

as executive influence can avail. Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I ask that anything be done to advance the social status of the colored man except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him. Give him access to schools, and when he travels let him feel assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will receive. The States lately at war with the General Government are now happily rehabilitated, and no executive control is exercised in any one of them that would not be exercised in any other State under like circumstances.

In the first year of the past Administration, the proposition came up for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Territory of the Union. It was not a question of my seeking, but was a proposition from the people of Santo Domingo, and which I entertained. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for the best interests of this country, for the people of Santo Domingo, and all concerned, that the proposition should be received favorably. It was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject was never brought up again by me.

In future, while Ihold my present office, the subject of acquisitition of territory must have the support of the people before I will recommend any proposition looking to such acquisition. I say here, however, that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory.

Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world in His own good time to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.

My efforts in the future will be directed to the restoration of good feeling between the different sections of our common country, to the restoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with the world's standard of values—gold—and, if possible, to a par with it; to the construction of cheap routes of transit throughout the land, to the end that the products of all sections may find a market and leave a living remuneration to the producer; to the maintenance of friendly

relations with all our neighbors and with the distant nations; to the re-establishment of our commerce and share in the carrying trade upon the ocean; to the encouragement of such manufacturing industries as can be economically pursued in this country, to the end that the exports of home products and industries may pay for our imports, the only sure method of returning to and permanently maintaining a specie basis; to the elevation of labor, and by a humane course to bring the aborigines of the country under the benign influences of education and civilization. It is either this or a war of extermination. Wars of extermination, engaged in by people pursuing commerce and all industrial pursuits, are expensive even against the weakest people, and are demoralizing and wicked. Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient towards the Indian. The wrongs already inflicted upon him should be taken into account, and the balance placed to his credit. The moral view of the question should be considered and the question asked, cannot the Indian be made a useful and productive member of society by proper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith we will stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in our own consciences for having made it. All these things are not to be accomplished by any one individual, but they will receive my support and such recommendations to Congress as will, in my judgment, best serve to carry them into effect. I beg your support and encouragement.

It has been and is my earnest desire to correct abuses that have grown up in the civil service of the country. To secure this reformation rules regulating methods of appointment and promotion were established and have been tried. My efforts for such reformation shall be continued to the best of my judgment. The spirit of the rules adopted will be maintained.

I acknowledge before this assembly, representing, as it does, every section of our country, the obligation I am under to my countrymen for the great honor they have conferred on me by returning me to the highest office within their gift, and the further obligation resting on me to render to them the best services within my power.

This I promise, looking forward with the greatest anxiety to the day when I shall be released from responsibilities that at times are almost overwhelming, and from which I have scarcely had a respite since the eventful firing upon Fort Sumter, in April, 1861, to the present day. My services were then tendered and accepted under the first call for troops growing out of that event. I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely without influence, or the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved to perform my part in astruggle threatening the very existence of the nation, a conscientious duty, without asking promotion or command, and without a revengeful feeling towards any section or individual.

Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for my present office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political his

tory, which to-day I feel that I can afford to
disregard, in view of your verdict, which I
gratefully accept as my vindication.

President Grant's Fourth Annual
Message, Dec. 2,1872.

[For his first, see McPherson's History of Re-
construction, pages 533-540; for his second and
third, see McPherson's Hand-Book of Politics
for 1872, pages 16-27.]
To the Senate and House of Representatives .-

In transmitting to you this, my fourth annual message, it is with thankfulness to the Giver of all good that, as a nation, we have been blessed for the past year with peace at home, peace abroad, and a general prosperity vouchsafed to but few peoples.

* * * *

When Congress adjourned in June last a question had been raised by Great Britain, and was then pending, which for a time seriously imperiled the settlement by friendly arbitration of the grave differences between this Government and that of Her Britannic Majesty, which by the treaty of Washington had been referred to the tribunal of arbitration which had met at Geneva, in Switzerland.

The arbitrators, however, disposed of the question which had jeoparded the whole of the treaty, and threatened to involve the two nations in most unhappy relations toward each other, in a manner entirely satisfactory to this Government, and in accordance with the views and policy which it had maintained.

The tribunal, which had convened at Geneva in December, concluded its laborious session on the 14th day of September last, on which day, having availed itself of the discretionary power given to it by the treaty to award a sum in gross, it made its decision, whereby it awarded the sum of fifteen millions five hundred thousand dollars in gold, as the indemnity to be paid by Great Britain to the United States for the satisfaction of all the claims referred to its consideration.

This decision happily disposes of a long standing differencebetween the two Governments, and, in connection with another award made by the German Emperor, under a reference to him by the same treaty, leaves these two Governments without a shadow upon the friendly relations which it is my sincere hope may forever remain equally unclouded.

* * * *

By the thirty-fourth article of the treaty of Washington the respective claims of the United States and of Great Britain, in their construction of the treaty of the 15th of June, 1846,. defining the boundary line between their respective territories, were submitted to the arbitration and award of His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, to decide which of those claims is most in accordance with the true interpretation of the treaty of 1846.

* * * *

After a patient investigation of the case and of the statements of each party, His Majesty the Emperor, on the 21st day of October last, signed his award in writing, decreeing that the

claim of the Government of the United States, that the boundary line between the territories of Her Britannic Majesty and the United States should be drawn through the Haro Channel, is most in accordance with the true interpretation of the treaty concluded on the 15th of June, 1846, between the Governments of Her Britannic Majesty and of the United States.

This award confirms the United States in their claim to the important archipelago of islands lying between the continent and Vancouver's island, which for more than twenty-six years (ever since the ratification of the treaty) Great Britain has contested, and leaves us, for the first time in the history of the United States as a nation, without a question of disputed boundary between our territory and the possessions of Great Britain on this continent.

* * * *

It is with regret that I have again to announce a continuance of the disturbed condition of the island of Cuba. No advance toward the pacification of the discontented part of the population has been made. While the insurrection has gained no advantages, and exhibits no more of the elements of power or of the prospects of ultimate success than were exhibited a year ago, Spain, on the other hand, has not succeeded in its repression, and the parties stand apparently in the same relative attitude which they have occupied for a long time past.

This contest has lasted now for more than four years. Were its scene at a distance from our neighborhood we might be indifferent to its refiult, although humanity could not be unmoved by many of its incidents, wherever they might •occur. It is, however, at our door.

Lcannot doubt that the continued maintenance of slavery in Cuba is among the strongest inducements to the continuance of this strife. A terrible wrong is the natural cause of a terrible evil. The abolition of slavery, and the introduction of other reforms in the administration of government in Cuba, could not fail to advance the restoration of peace and order. It is greatly to be hoped that the present liberal government of Spain will voluntarily adopt this view.

The law of emancipation, which was passed more than two years since, has remained unexecuted in the absence of regulations for its enforcement. It was but a feeble step toward emancipation, but it was the recognition of right, and was hailed as such, and exhibited Spain in harmony with sentiments of humanity and of justice, and in sympathy with the other powers of the christian and civilized world.

Within the past few weeks the regulations for carrying out the law of emancipation have been announced, giving evidence of the sincerity of intention of the present government to carry into effect the law of 1870. I have not failed to urge the consideration of the wisdom, the policy, and the justice of a more effective system for the abolition of the great evil which oppresses a race, and continues a bloody and destructive contest close to our border, as well as the expediency and the justice of conceding reforms of which the propriety is not questioned.

Deeply impressed with the conviction that the

continuance of slavery is one of the most active causes of the continuance of the unhappy condition in Cuba, I regret to believe that citizens of the United States, or those claiming to be such, are large holders in Cuba of what is there claimed as property, but which is forbidden and denounced by the laws of the United States. They are thus, in defiance of the spirit of our own laws, contributing to the continuance of this distressing and sickening contest. In my last annual message I referred to this subject, and I again recommend such legislation as may be proper to denounce, and, if not prevent, at least to discourage American citizens from holding or dealing in slaves.

* * * *

The moneys received and covered into the Treasury during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1872, were:

From customs $210,370,28(5 77

From pales of public lands 2,575.714 19

From internal revenue 130,012,177 '12

From tax on national-bank circulation. &c 6,523,390 30

From Pacific railway companies 749,801 87

From customs fines, &c 1,130,442 34

From fees, consular, patent, land, &c 2,284,095 02

From miscellaneous sources 4,412,254 71

Total ordinary receipts 304,094,229 01

From premium on sales of coin 9,412,037 05

Total net receipts 374,100,807 5G

Balance in Treasury June 30,1871, (including $18,228 35 received from ''unavailable") 109,935,705 59

Total available cash 484,042,573 15

The net expenditures by warrants during the same period were:

For civil expenses $10,187,059 20

For foreign intercourse 1,839,309 14

For Indians 7,061,728 82

For pensions 28,533,402 7G

For military establishment, including fortifications, river and harbor improvements, and arsenals. 35,372,157 20

For naval establishment, including vessels and machinery and improvements at navy yards 21,249,809 99

For miscellaneous civil, including public buildings, light-houses, and collecting the revenue 42,958,329 08

For interest on the public debt 117,357,839 72

Total, exclusive of principal and

premium on the public debt 270,559,095 91

For premium on bonds

purchased $6,958,266 76

For redemption of the

public debt 99,900,253 54

100,918,520 30

Total net disbursements 377,478,210 21

Balance in Treasury June 30,1872 100.504,350 94

Total 484,042,573 15

From the foregoing statement it appears that the net reduction of the principal of the debt during the fiscal year ending June 30,1872, was $99,960,253 54.

The source of this reduction is as follows:

Net ordinary receipts during the j'ear... $304,094,229 91 Net ordinary expenditures, including interest on the public debt 270,559,095 91

Leaving surplus revenue 94,134,534 00

Add amount received from premium on sales of gold, in excess of the premium paid on bonds purchased 2,454,370 »J

Add the amount of the reduction of the cash balance at the close of the year, accompanied with same at commencement of the year 3,371,348 65

Total 99,960,253 54

This statement treats solely of the principal of the public debt.

By the monthly statement of the public debt, which adds together the principal, interest due and unpaid, and interest accrued to date, not due, and deducts the cash in the Treasury as ascertained on the day of publication, the reduction was $100,544,491 28.

The source of this reduction is as follows:

Reduction in principal account 899,960,003 54

Reduction in unpaid interest account... 3,330,952 96

103,290,950 50 Reduction in cash on hand 2,746,465 22

100,544,491 28

On the basis of the last table the statements show a reduction of the public debt, from the 1st of March, 1869, to the present time, as follows: From March 1,1869. to March 1, 1870 $87,134,782 84

From March 1,1870, to March 1,1871 117,619,630 25

From March 1,1871, to March 1,1872 94,895,348 94

From March 1,1872, to November 1,1872,

(eight months) 64,047,237 84

Total 363,696,999 87

With the great reduction of taxation by the acts of Congress at its last session, the expenditure of the Government in collecting the revenue will be much reduced for the next fiscal year. It is very doubtful, however, whether any further reduction of so vexatious a burden upon any people will be practicable for the present. At all events, as a measure of justice to the holders of the nation's certificates of indebtedness, I would recommend that no more legislation be had on this subject, unless it be to correct errors of omission or commission in the present laws, until sufficient time has elapsed to prove that it can be done and still leave sufficient revenue to meet current expenses of Government, pay interest on the public debt, and provide for the sinking fund established by law. The preservation of our national credit is of the highest importance; next in importance to this comes a solemn duty to provide a national currency of fixed, unvarying value, as compared with gold, and as soon as practicable, having due regard for the interests of the debtor class, and the vicissitudes of trade and commerce, convertible into gold at par.

The report of the Secretary of War shows the expenditures of the War Department for the fiscal year ending June 30,1871, to be $35,799,991 82, and for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1872, to be $35,372,157 20,'showing a reduction in favor of the last fiscal year of $427,834 62.

* * * * About $370,000have been collected from Sout> eni railroads during the year, leaving about $4,- 000,000 still due.

* * * *

The annual average mean-strength of the army was 24,101 white, and 2,494 colored soldiers.

* * * *

The river and harbor improvements have been carried on with energy and economy. Though many are only partially completed, the results have saved to commerce many times the amount expended. The increase of commerce, with greater depth of channels, greater security in navigation, and the saving of time, adds millions to the wealth of the country and increases the resources of the Government.

* * * *

The attention of Congress will be called during its present session to various enterprises for the more certain and cheaper transportation of the constantly increasing surplus of Western and Southern products to the Atlantic sea-board. The subject is one that will force itself upon the legislative branch of the Government sooner or later, and I suggest, therefore, that immediate steps be taken to gain all available information to insure equable and just legislation.

One route to connect the Mississippi Valley with the Atlantic, at Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia, by water, by the way of the Ohio and Tennessee rivers, and canals and slack-water navigation to the Savannah and Ocmulgee rivers, has been surveyed, and report made by an accomplished engineer officer of the army. Second and third, new routes will be proposed for the consideration of Congress, namely, by an extension of the Kanawha and James River Canal to the Ohio, and by extension of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal.

I am not prepared to recommend Government aid to these or other enterprises until it is clearly shown that they are not only of national interest, but that when completed they will be of a value commensurate with their cost.

That production increases more rapidly than the means of transportation in our country has been demonstrated by past experience. That the unprecedented growth in population and products of the whole country will require additional facilities, and cheaper ones for the more bulky articles of commerce to reach tide-water and a market will be demanded in the near future, is equally demonstrable. I would therefore suggest either a committee or a commission to be authorized to consider this whole question, and to report to Congress at some future day for its better guidance in legislating on this important subject.

The railroads of the country have been rapidly extended during the last few years to meet the growing demands of producers, and reflect much credit upon the capitalists and managers engaged in their construction.

In addition to these, a project to facilitate commerce by the building of a ship-canal around Niagara Falls, on the United States side, which has been agitated for many years, will, no doubt, be called to your attention at this session.

Looking xo the great future growth of the cour4~~, and the increasing demands of commerce, it might be well, while on this subject, not only to have examined and reported upon the various practicable routes for connecting the Mississippi with tide-water on the Atlantic, but the feasibility of an almost continuous landlocked navigation from Maine to the Gulf of Mexico. Such a rente along our coast would

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