I am taught by this, as well as by many similar instances, to treat with deference opinions differing from my own. The error may possibly be with me; but, if so, I can only say, that after the most mature and conscientious examination, I have not been able to detect it. But with all proper deference, I must think that theirs is the error who deny what seems to be an essential attribute of the conceded sovereignty of the states, and who attribute to the General Government a right utterly incompatible with what all acknowledge to be its limited and restricted character; an error originating principally, as I think, in not duly reflecting on the nature of our institutions, and on what constitutes the only rational object of all political constitutions."

The following are the three concluding paragraphs, which will exhibit the tone and feeling with which the address was written.

"In forming the opinions I have expressed, I have not been actuated by an unkind feeling to our manufacturing interest. I now am, and ever have been, decidedly friendly to them, though I cannot concur in all the measures which have been adopted to advance them. I believe considerations higher than any question of mere pecuniary interest forbid their use. But, subordinate to the higher views of policy, I regard the advancement of mechanical and chemical improvements in the arts with feelings little short of enthusiasm, not only as the prolific source of national and individual wealth, but as the grea mear of enlarging the domain of man over the material world, and thereby of laying the solid foundation of a highly-improved condition of society, morally and politically. I fear not that we shall extend our power too far over the great agents of nature; but, on the contrary, I consider such enlargement of our power as tending more certainly and powerfully to better the condition of our race, than any one of the many powerful causes now operating to that result. With these impressions, I not only rejoice at the general progress of the arts in the world, but on their advancement in our own country; and, as far as protection may be incidentally afforded in the fair and honest exercise of our constitutional powers, I think now, as I have always done, that sound policy, connected with the security, independence, and peace of the country, requires it should be; but we cannot go a single step beyond without jeopardizing our peace, our harmony, and our liberty-considerations of infinitely more importance to us than any measure of mere policy can possibly be.

"In thus placing my opinion before the public, I have not been actuated. by the expectation of changing the public sentiment. Such a motive on a ques-tion so long agitated, and so beset with feelings of prejudice and interest, would argue, on my part, an insufferable vanity, and a profound ignorance of the human heart. To avoid, as far as possible, the imputation of either, I have confined my statement on the many and important points on which I have been compelled to touch, to a simple declaration of my opinion, without advancing any other reasons to sustain them than what appeared to me to be indispensable to the full understanding of my views; and if they should, on any point, be thought to be not clearly and explicitly developed, it will, I trust, be attributed to my solicitude to avoid the imputations to which I have alluded, and not from any desire to disguise my sentiments, nor the want of arguments and illustrations to maintain positions which so abound in both, that it would require a volume to do them anything like justice. I can only hope that truths which I feel assured are essentially connected with all we ought to hold most dear, may not be weakened in the public estimation by the imperfect manner in which I have been, by the object in view, compelled to present them./

"With every caution on my part, I dare not hope, in taking the step I have, to escape the imputation of improper motives, though I have, without reserve, freely expressed my opinions, not regarding whether they might or might not. be popular. I have no reason to believe that they are such as will conciliate public favour, but the opposite, which I greatly regret, as I have ever placed &

high estimate on the good opinion of my fellow-citizens. But, be that as it may, I shall, at least, be sustained by feelings of conscious rectitude. I have formed my opinions after the most careful and deliberate examinations, with all the aids which my reason and experience could furnish; I have expressed these honestly and fearlessly, regardless of their effects personally, which, however interesting to me individually, are of too little importance to be taken into the estimate, where the liberty and happiness of our country are so vitally involved."

He followed up, the next year, this statement of his opinion by a letter* addressed to General Hamilton, then governor of the state, at his request, in} which he went into the same subjects more fully, and with additional force of argument and illustration. They both did much to enlighten the state on the subject discussed, and to sustain her in the arduous struggle into which she was preparing to enter.

In the mean time, the period selected for final and decisive action was rapidly approaching, and the excitement in the state became deeper and deeper. A strong party, under able leaders, had risen in the state against the course proposed to be taken. They admitted the tariff to be unconstitutional and oppressive, but disagreed as to the remedy, which they regarded as revolutionary, and not warranted by the Constitution. They assumed the popular name of the Union party. The whole weight of the General Government was thrown in their favour. The two parties were drawn up in fierce array against each other, and every nerve was strained on each side to gain the ascendency. The whole energy and talents of the state were aroused, and the people were incessantly addressed on both sides, through speeches, pamphlets, and newspapers, by the ablest men, in manly and eloquent arguments, making direct appeal to their understandings and patriotism, on all the questions involved in the issue.

At this stage, a gleam of light inspired the hope that the necessity of resorting to the extreme remedy of the Constitution would be unnecessary. President Jackson, in his message to Congress at the opening of the session in December, 1831, omitting for the first time all allusion to the scheme of distribution, announced the near approach of the period when the public debt would be finally paid, and recommended that provision should be made for the reduction of the duties and the relief of the people from unnecessary taxation, after the extinguishment of the debt. The message diffused general joy throughout the state. It was believed that the scheme of distribution was abandoned, and was hoped, late as it was, that most of the mischief anticipated from the surplus revenue, by a prompt and judicious reduction of the duties, might be still avoided. The delegation in Congress prepared to co-operate zealously with the friends of the administration in making such a reduction as would relieve the people from unnecessary taxation, and save the country and government from the worst of all evils, an accumulating and corrupting surplus, collected in bank notes, or, what was the same thing, bank credit.

But this gleam of sunshine proved transient and illusory: It soon became apparent that neither side, administration or opposition, contemplated anything like an adequate reduction. In spite of every effort made by the delegation, and after spending the greater portion of the session on the subject, an inconsiderable reduction of some three or four millions of dollars only was effected. This still left a revenue more than twice as large as the usual and necessary expendi ture of the government would require after the payment of the debt, and the du ties at high protective rates, on what were called the protected articles; and as if, too, to extinguish all hope, this trifling reduction was announced by Mr. Clay on the part of the opposition, and the Secretary of the Treasury on that of the administration, as the final adjustment of the tariff, and the permanent system of revenue, after the payment of the debt. In a striking particular, the act making the reduction was even more unequal and worse than the tariff of '28. * See "Speeches," &c., No. 4. F

It exempted the manufacturing portion of the community almost literally from all taxes. It gave them a bounty on all they made by imposing duties on all similar articles imported, and all such as could come in competition with what they made, while it exempted them, as consumers, from paying taxes on almost all others, by admitting them duty free; so that, instead of abandoning the principle of protection, or guarding against the danger of a surplus, the act but perpetuated the protective policy, and left the country and the government exposed to all the evils of a large annual surplus.

Such an arrangement could not induce South Carolina to surrender the stand she had taken. On the contrary, it only aroused her to more active resistance, and energetic preparation to meet an issue, which now seemed almost inevitable. At this stage an incident occurred that tended greatly to confirm and animate her in her course.

From the commencement, the State Rights party had claimed the authority of the Virginia Resolutions, Mr. Madison's Report, and the Kentucky Resolutions, which they attributed to Mr. Jefferson, as sanctioning the doctrine of nullification and the course they proposed to take, while those who opposed denied that they authorized the interpretation put on them, or that Mr. Jefferson was the author of the Kentucky Resolutions. It became a point of great importance to establish which of the two were right. Both sides admitted the high authority of Mr. Jefferson, and that the report and resolutions contained the true political creed of the party. Mr. Ritchie, the experienced editor of the Enquirer and the associate of Mr. Jefferson, and most of the distinguished men who were his contemporaries in Virginia, was among the most influential of those who denied that these documents, or the opinions of Mr. Jefferson, authorized the doctrine of nullification. But, fortunately, the original manuscript of Mr. Jefferson, from which the Kentucky Resolutions were taken, was brought to light at this critical juncture, and left no doubt that Mr. Jefferson was their real author, and that he entertained the doctrines of nullification to the full extent, as interpreted by the State Rights party, which Mr. Ritchie had the candour to acknowledge, as the following extract from the Enquirer of March, 1832, shows.

From the Richmond Enquirer, March 13th.

MR. JEFFERSON THE AUTHOR OF THE KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS.

"Nullification-An Error corrected.-We come before the public to correct an error into which we have betrayed them. Some of the politicians of South Carolina had maintained the opinion, that Mr. Jefferson was not only the friend, but the father of nullification; and their principal argument was, that he was the author of the Kentucky Resolutions of 1799, as well as those of 1798; and that in those of 1799 is to be found the memorable passage, 'The several states which formed that instrument, being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of its infraction; and that a nullification by these sovereignties of all unauthorized acts, done under colour of that instrument, is the rightful remedy.'

"We had a great curiosity to ascertain the truth of this opinion. We hunted up all the facts that were within our reach, weighed them as impartially as we could, and we arrived at a different conclusion from that of the State Rights politicians of South Carolina. We expressed our opinions in the Enquirer' of the 13th of September last.

"We have now to state our conviction that we were wrong, and the South Carolinians were right as to Mr. Jefferson's opinions. A small MS. book has been found among his papers, which, with other articles, contains two copies, in his own handwriting, that appear to have been the original of the Kentucky Resolutions. The first of these is blurred and much corrected, with passages struck out and others interlined. The other is a fair and later copy, judging from the

colour of the paper and of the ink, of Mr. J.'s draught. We are indebted to his grandson for the permission to examine these MSS., and compare them with the printed copies of the Kentucky Resolutions, and for the opportunity of correcting our own mistake, and of laying the following result before our readers." Here follows Mr. Jefferson's original draught of the Kentucky Resolutions. Never was a document more clear and explicit on any point than this in favour of the principles on which Carolina had placed her right to interpose. Words could not make it more so. It says expressly, "That in all cases of an abuse of delegated powers, the members of the General Government being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a NULLIFICATION of the act is the RIGHTFUL REMEDY that every state has a natural right to, in cases not in the compact (casus non fœderis), to nullify, of their own authority, all assumptions of powers within their limits; that without this right, they would be under the absolute and unlimited dominion of whoever might exercise this right of judgment for them; that, nevertheless, this Commonwealth (Kentucky), from motives of regard and respect for its co-states, has wished to communicate with them on the subject; that with them alone it proposes to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge, in the last resort, of the powers exercised under it-Congress being not a party, but merely the creature of the compact, and subject, as to its assumption of its powers, to the final judgment of those by whom, and for whose use, itself and its powers were created."

So fully does the above extract, and the whole draught, in fact, accord with the views taken by Mr. Calhoun in the statement of his opinion, and letter to General Hamilton, that, had it been possible for him to have had access to the manuscript, he might well have been suspected of plagiarism.

Supported by this high and explicit authority, the State Rights party moved forward with renovated energy and confidence in preparing for the great issue; but the difficulties were great. The Union party, thoroughly organized under able leaders, and animated by the greatest zeal, were supported not only by the whole influence of the General Government, but sustained and cheered by the concurring voice of both parties, and, it may almost be literally said, of the whole Union. Against this immense resistance, the State Rights party had to obtain a majority of two thirds of both houses of the Legislature to carry out its views, as, according to their opinion, the right of a state to declare an act of Congress unconstitutional, and therefore null and void, is derived from the fact that the Constitution is a compact to which the people of the states, in their sovereign capacity, are direct parties; and, of course, the right appertains to them in this capacity only, and can only be exercised by them, through a convention, in the same mode that the instrument was adopted, and not by the State Government. They regard the General and State Governments as co-ordinate governments, and the people of the states, severally, as the paramount sovereign authority. According to these views, in order to take the final step it would be necessary to call a convention of the people of the state; and for this purpose, by a provision of the Constitution of the state, two thirds of the Legislature were necessary; without that nothing could be done, and the cause would have to be abandoned. The election was pending, and the great struggle between the parties was, on one side, to carry two thirds of both houses, and on the other to defeat it. The magnitude of the issue was felt by both, and never was a political struggle more ardent; and, let it be added for the honour of both parties and the state, never before, in such a struggle, was the appeal more direct and solemn to the intelligence and patriotism of the people, and so free from all false issues, cant, or appeal to passion or prejudice.

It resulted in the triumph of the State Rights party. They returned more than the constitutional number to both houses. The Legislature met and called

a Convention, which assembled and passed the Ordinance of Nullification, the 24th of November, 1832, accompanied by two addresses; one to the people of South Carolina, and the other to the people of their co-states of the Union, setting forth fully an explanation of the motives and principles which governed them as one of the parties to the constitutional compact, in the high and solemn act of sovereignty, which duty to themselves and to the Union compelled them to perform. They adjourned to meet in March, subsequent to the period at which, by the Constitution, the approaching session of Congress would terminate.

Congress met at the usual period, in December, and the President, in his Message, announced the final payment of the public debt, and recommended a reduction of the duties to the standard required for the revenue of the government economically and efficiently administered, to take place as soon as the faith of the government, and the preservation of the large capital invested in manufac turing establishments, would permit.

The time of Governor Hamilton having expired, General Hayne, then a senator in Congress, was elected his successor, and placed at the head of the gov-ernment of the state at this momentous period. The proceedings of the Convention were reported to the Legislature, which met shortly after its adjournment, and an act introduced and passed to carry into effect the ordinance, to go into operation in February. That was followed by the proclamation of the President, which asserted that the ordinance was subversive of the Constitution, and that the object of South Carolina was the destruction of the Union; and after giving his views of the Constitution, and the provisions of the existing laws applicable to the case, and declaring the course he would pursue, he warned all the people of the state against obedience to the ordinance, under the high penalty for treason against the United States. Governor Hayne issued his counter proclamation, repelling the charges of the President, and maintaining the grounds taken by the Convention, and replying to the reasons assigned for the grounds taken in the President's proclamation.

CHAPTER V.

Including the Period from his Resignation of the Vice-presidency till the Admission of Michigan into the Union.

AT this critical juncture, the Legislature elected Mr. Calhoun to fill the vacancy in the Senate occasioned by the election of General Hayne as governor. As trying as was the situation under such circumstances, he resigned without hesitation his place as Vice-president, and proceeded to Washington to take his seat in the Senate. Never was there, since the commencement of the government, a moment of more intense interest and anxiety throughout the whole Union, and never before was any public man placed in a situation more difficult and responsible. The expectation was general that he would be arrested as soon as he arrived in Washington; and on his way thither, wherever he stopped, crowds collected to see him. Nor was the excitement less when he arrived at the seat of government, where he had been so long and familiarly known. When he appeared in the Senate to take his seat as a member in a body over which he had so long and recently presided, the gallery and chamber were thronged with spectators. He repeated the constitutional oath in a firm and audible voice, and took his seat on the side and in the midst of his old political friends, of whom a large majority were now placed in hostile array to him. But as trying and responsible as was the occasion, he stood erect and unap-palled, conscious of the purity of his motives, and strong in the depth of his conviction of the truth, justice, constitutionality, and magnitude of the question