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While Wisdom trembles for the crazy car,
So gilt, so rotten, carrying fools so far;
And the duped people, hourly doom'd to pay
The sums that bribe their liberties away,-

The people!-ah, that Freedom's form should

stay

Where Freedom's spirit long hath pass'd away! That a false smile should play around the dead, Like a young eagle, who has lent his plume And flush the features when the soul hath fled!" To fledge the shaft by which he meets his doom, When Rome had lost her virtue with her rights, See their own feathers pluck'd, to wing the dart When her foul tyrant sat on Capreæ's heights Which rank corruption destines for their heart! Amid his ruffian spies, and doom'd to death But soft! methinks I hear thee proudly say Each noble name they blasted with their breath,"What! shall I listen to the impious lay, Even then, (in mockery of that golden time, "That dares, with Tory license, to profane When the Republic rose revered, sublime, "The bright bequests of William's glorious reign? And her proud sons, diffused from zone to zone, "Shall the great wisdom of our patriot sires, Gave kings to every nation but their own,) "Whom H-wks-b-y quotes and savory B-rch Even then the senate and the tribunes stood,

admires,

"Be slander'd thus? Shall honest St-le agree
"With virtuous R-se to call us pure and free,
"Yet fail to prove it? Shall our patent pair
"Of wise state-poets waste their words in air,
"And P-e unheeded breathe his prosperous
strain,

"And C-nn-ng take the people's sense in vain?"*
supplying oil from the Treasury which has been found so
necessary to make a government like that of England run
smoothly. Had Charles been as well provided with this
article as his successors have been since the happy Revolu-
tion, his Commons would never have merited from him the
harsh appellation of" seditious vipers," but would have been
(as they now are, and I trust always will be) "dutiful Com-
mons," "loyal Commons," &c., &c., and would have given
him ship-money, or any other sort of money he might have
fancied.

1 Among those auxiliaries which the Revolution of 1688 marshalled on the side of the Throne, the bugbear of Popery has not been the least convenient and serviceable. Those unskilful tyrants, Charles and James, instead of profiting by that useful subserviency which has always distinguished the ministers of our religious establishment, were so infatuated as to plan the ruin of this best bulwark of their power, and, moreover, connected their designs upon the Church so undisguisedly with their attacks upon the Constitution, that they identified in the minds of the people the interests of their religion and their liberties. During those times, therefore, "No Popery" was the watchword of freedom, and served to keep the public spirit awake against the invasions of bigotry and prerogative. The Revolution, however, by removing this object of jealousy, has produced a reliance on the orthodoxy of the Throne, of which the Throne has not failed to take advantage; and the cry of "No Popery" having thus lost its power of alarming the people against the inroads of the Crown, has served ever since the very different purpose of strengthening the Crown, against the pretensions and struggles of the people. The danger of the Church from Papists and Pretenders was the chief pretext for the repeal of the Triennial Bill, for the adoption of a standing army, for the numerous suspensions of the Habeas Corpus Act, and, in short, for all those spirited infractions of the constitution by which the reigns of the last century were so eminently distinguished. We have seen very lately, too, how the Throne has been enabled, by the same scarecrow sort of alarm, to select its ministers from among men whose servility is their only claim to elevation, and who are pledged (if such an alternative could arise) to take part with the scruples of the King against the salvation of the empire.

Insulting marks, to show how high the flood
Of Freedom flow'd, in glory's bygone day,
And how it ebb'd, -forever ebb'd away!"

Look but around-though yet a tyrant's sword Nor haunts our sleep nor glitters o'er our board, Though blood be better drawn, by modern quacks, With Treasury leeches than with sword or axe;

Somebody has said, "Quand tous les poètes seraient noyés, ce ne serait pas grand dommage," but I am aware that this is not fit language to be held at a time when our birth-day odes and state-papers are written by such pretty poets as Mr. P-e and Mr. C-nn-ng. All I wish is, that the latter gentleman would change places with his brother P-e, by which means we should have somewhat less prose in our odes, and certainly less poetry in our politics.

3 "It is a scandal (said Sir Charles Sedley in William's reign) that a government so sick at heart as ours is should look so well in the face;" and Edmund Burke has said, in the present reign, "When the people conceive that laws and tribunals, and even popular assemblies, are perverted from the ends of their institution, they find in these names of degenerated establishments only new motives to discontent. Those bodies which, when full of life and beauty, lay in their arms and were their joy and comfort, when dead and putrid become more loathsome from remembrance of former endearments."-Thoughts on the present Discontents, 1770.

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We are told by Tacitus of a certain race of men, who made themselves particularly useful to the Roman emperors, and were therefore called "instrumenta regni," or "court tools." From this it appears, that my Lords M-, C-, &c. &c., are by no means things of modern invention.

5 There is something very touching in what Tacitus tells us of the hopes that revived in a few patriot bosoms, when the death of Augustus was near approaching, and the fond expectation with which they already began "bona libertatis incassum disserere."

According to Ferguson, Cæsar's interference with the rights of election "made the subversion of the republic more felt than any of the former acts of his power."-Roman Republic, book v. chap. i.

Yet say, could even a prostrate tribune's power,
Or a mock senate, in Rome's servile hour,
Insult so much the claims, the rights of man,
As doth that fetter'd mob, that free divan,.
Of noble tools and honorable knaves,

Of pension'd patriots and privileged slaves ;-
That party-color'd mass, which naught can warm
But rank corruption's heat-whose quicken'd

swarm

Spread their light wings in Bribery's golden sky,
Buzz for a period, lay their eggs, and die ;-
That greedy vampire, which from freedom's tomb
Comes forth, with all the mimicry of bloom
Upon its lifeless cheek, and sucks and drains
A people's blood to feed its putrid veins!

Thou start'st, my'friend, at picture drawn so

dark

And loud and upright, till their prize be known,
They thwart the King's supplies to raise their own.
But bees, on flowers alighting, cease their hum--
So, settling upon places, Whigs grow dumb.
And, though most base is he who, 'neath the shade
Of Freedom's ensign plies corruption's trade,
And makes the sacred flag he dares to show
His passport to the market of her foe,
Yet, yet, I own, so venerably dear
Are Freedom's grave old antheins to my ear,
That I enjoy them, though by traitors sung,
And reverence Scripture even from Satan's tongue.
Nay, when the constitution has expired,
I'll have such men, like Irish wakers, hired
To chant old "Habeas Corpus" by its side,
And ask, in purchased ditties, why it died?

See yon smooth lord, whom nature's plastic pains "Is there no light?" thou ask'st-"no ling'ring Would seem to've fashion'd for those Eastern reigns

spark

"Of ancient fire to warm us? Lives there nono,
"To act a Marvell's part?""-alas! not one.
To place and power all public spirit tends,
In place and power all public spirit ends;
Like hardy plants, that love the air and sky,
When out, 'twill thrive-but taken in, 'twill die!

Not bolder truths of sacred Freedom hung
From Sidney's pen or burn'd on Fox's tongue,
Than upstart Whigs produce each market night,
While yet their conscience, as their purse, is light;
While debts at home excite their care for those
Which, dire to tell, their much-loved country owes,

1 Andrew Marvell, the honest opposer of the court during the reign of Charles the Second, and the last member of parliament who, according to the ancient mode, took wages from his constituents. The Commons have, since then, much changed their pay-masters. See the State Poems for some rude but spirited effusions of Andrew Marvell.

The following artless speech of Sir Francis Winnington, in the reign of Charles the Second, will amuse those who are fully aware of the perfection we have since attained in that system of government whose humble beginnings so much astonished the worthy baronet. "I did observe (says he) that all those who had pensions, and most of those who had offices, voted all of a side, as they were directed by some great officer, exactly as if their business in this House had been to preserve their pensions and offices, and not to make laws for the good of them who sent them here." He alludes to that parliament which was called, par excellence, the Pensionary Parliament.

3 According to Xenophon, the chief circumstance which recommended these creatures to the service of Eastern princes was the ignominious station they held in society, and the probability of their being, upon this account, more devoted to the will and caprice of a master, from whose notice alone they derived consideration, and in whose favor they might seek refuge from the general contempt of mankind.Αδοξοι όντες οἱ ευνουχοι παρα τοις αλλοις ανθρωποις και δια | τουτα δεσπότου επικουρου προσδεονται.-But I doubt whether

When eunuchs flourish'd, and such nerveless things
As men rejected were the chosen of Kings ;-
Even he, forsooth, (oh fraud, of all the worst!)
Dared to assume the patriot's name at first-
Thus Pitt began, and thus begin his apes;
Thus devils, when first raised, take pleasing shapes.
But oh, poor Ireland! if revenge be sweet
For centuries of wrong, for dark deceit
And with'ring insult for the Union thrown
Into thy bitter cup, when that alone
Of slavery's draught was wanting-if for this
Revenge be sweet, thou hast that dæmon's bliss;
For, sure, 'tis more than hell's revenge to see
That England trusts the men who've ruin'd thee;-

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Among the many measures, which, since the Revolution, have contributed to increase the influence of the throne, and to feed up this "Aaron's serpent" of the constitution to its present health and respectable magnitude, there have been few more nutritive than the Scotch and Irish Unions. Sir John Packer said, in a debate upon the former question, that "He would submit it to the House, whether men who had basely betrayed their trust, by giving up their independent constitution, were fit to be admitted into the English House of Commons." But Sir John would have known, if he had not been out of place at the time, that the pliancy of such materials was not among the least of their recommendations. Indeed, the promoters of the Scotch Union were by no means disappointed in the leading object of their measure, for the triumphant majorities of the court-party in parliament may be dated from the admission of the 45 and the 16. Once or twice. upon the alteration of their law of treason and the imposition of the malt-tax, (measures which were in direct violation of the Act of Union,) these worthy North Britons arrayed themselves in opposition to the court; but finding this effort for their country unavailing, they prudently determined to think thenceforward of themselves, and few men

That, in these awful days, when every hour
Creates some new or blasts some ancient power,
When proud Napoleon, like th' enchanted shield1
Whose light compell'd each wond'ring foe to yield,
With baleful lustre blinds the brave and free,
And dazzles Europe into slavery,-

That, in this hour, when patriot zeal should guide, When Mind should rule, and-Fox should not have died,

All that devoted England can oppose

To enemies made fiends and friends made foes,
Is the rank refuse, the despised remains
Of that unpitying power, whose whips and chains
Drove Ireland first to turn, with harlot glance,
Tow'rds other shores, and woo th' embrace of
France;-

Those hack'd and tainted tools, so foully fit
For the grand artisan of mischief, P-tt,
So useless ever but in vile employ,

So weak to save, so vigorous to destroy

have ever kept to a laudable resolution more firmly. The effect of Irish representation on the liberties of England will be no less perceptible and permanent.

– Ουδ' όγε Ταύρου Δείπεται αντελλοντος.

The infusion of such cheap and useful ingredients as my Lord L., Mr. D. B., &c., &c., into the legislature, cannot but act as a powerful alterative on the constitution, and clear it by degrees of all troublesome humors of honesty.

1 The magician's shield in Ariosto:

E tolto per vertù dello splendore
La libertate a loro.

Cant. 2.

We are told that Cæsar's code of morality was contained in the following lines of Euripides, which that grea man frequently repeated:

Ειπερ γαρ αδικειν χρη τυραννίδος περι
Καλλιστον αδικειν· τάλλα δ' ευσεβειν χρεων.

Such are the men that guard thy threaten'd shore, Oh England! sinking England !a boast no more

INTOLERANCE,

A SATIRE.

"This clamor, which pretends to be raised for the safety of religion, has almost worn out the very appearance of it, and rendered us not only the most divided but the most immoral people upon the face of the earth."

ADDISON, Freeholder, No. 37.

START not, my friend, nor think the muse will stain
Her classic fingers with the dust profane
Of Bulls, Decrees, and all those thund'ring scrolls,
Which took such freedom once with royal souls,

This is also, as it appears, the moral code of Napoleon. The following prophetic remarks occurin a letter written by Sir Robert Talbot, who attended the Duke of Bedford to Paris in 1762. Talking of states which have grown powerful in commerce, he says, "According to the nature and common course of things, there is a confederacy against them, and consequently in the same proportion as they increase in riches, they approach to destruction. The address of our King William, in making all Europe take the alarm at France, has brought that country before us near that inevitable period. We must necessarily have our turn, and Great Britain will attain it as soon as France shall have a declaimer with organs as proper for that political purpose as were those of our William the Third. . Without doubt, my Lord, Great Britain must lower her flight. Europe will remind us of the balance of commerce, as she has reminded France of the balance of power. The address of our statesmen will immortalize them by contriving for us a descent which shall not be a fall, by making us rather resemble Holland than Carthage and Venice."-Letters on the French Nation.

3 The king-deposing doctrine, notwithstanding its many mischievous absurdities, was of no little service to the cause of political liberty, by inculcating the right of resistance to

a From Aratus, (v. 715,) a poet who wrote upon astronomy, though, as Cicero assures us, he knew nothing whatever about the subject: just as the great Harvey wrote "De Generatione," though he had as little to do with the matter as my Lord Viscount C.

tyrants, and asserting the will of the people be the only true fountain of power. Bellarmine, the most violent of the advocates for papal authority, was one of the first to maintain (De Pontiff. lib. i. cap. 7) "that kings have not their authority or office immediately from God nor his law; but only from the law of nations;" and in King James's "Defence of the Rights of Kings against Cardinal Perron," we find his Majesty expressing strong indignation against the Cardinal for having asserted "that to the deposing of a king the consent of the people must be obtained"-" for by these words (says James) the people are exalted above the king, and made the judges of the king's deposing," p. 424.-Even in Mariana's celebrated book, where the nonsense of bigotry does not interfere, there may be found many liberal and enlightened views of the principles of governinent, of the restraints which should be imposed upon royal power, of the subordination of the Throne to the interests of the people, &c. &c. (De Rege et Regis Institutione. See particularly lib. i. cap. 6, 8, and 9.)-It is rather remarkable, too, that England should be indebted to another Jesuit for the earliest defence of that principle upon which the Revolution was founded, namely, the right of the people to change the succession.-(See Doleman's "Conferences," written in support of the title of the Infanta of Spain against that of James I.)-When Englishmen, therefore, say that Popery is the religion of slavery, they should not only recollect that their own boasted constitution is the work and bequest of popish ancestors; they should not only remember the laws of Edward III, "under whom (says Bolingbroke) the constitution of our parliaments, and the whole form of our government, became reduced into better form;" but they should know that even the errors charged on Popery have leaned to the cause of liberty, and that Papists were the first promulgators of the doctrines which led to the Revolution. In general, however, the political principles of the Roman Catholics have been described as happened to suit the temporary convenience of their oppressors, and have been represented alternately as slavish or refractory, according as a pretext for tormenting them was wanting The same inconsistency has marked every other imputation against them. They are charged with laxity in the observance of oaths, though an oath has been found sufficient to shut them out from all worldly advantages. If they reject certain decisions of their church, they are said to be skeptics and bad Christians; if they admit those very decisions, they are branded as bigots and bad sub

When heaven was yet the pope's exclusive trade,
And kings were damn'd as fast as now they're made.
No, no-let D-gen-n search the papal chair1
For fragrant treasures long forgotten there;
And, as the witch of sunless Lapland thinks
That little swarthy gnomes delight in stinks,
Let sallow P-rc-v-l snuff up the gale
Which wizard D-gen-n's gather'd sweets exhale.
Enough for me, whose heart has learn'd to scorn
Bigots alike in Rome or England born,
Who loathe the venom, whencesoe'er it springs,
From popes or lawyers, pastry-cooks or kings,-
Enough for me to laugh and weep by turns,
As mirth provokes, or indignation burns,
As C-nn-ng vapors, or as France succeeds,
As H-wk-sb'ry proses, or as Ireland bleeds!

And thou, my friend, if, in these headlong days, When bigot Zeal her drunken antics plays So near a precipice, that men the while Look breathless on and shudder while they smileIf, in such fearful days, thou'lt dare to look To hapless Ireland, to this rankling nook Which Heaven hath freed from poisonous things in vain,

While G--ff-rd's tongue and M-sgr-ve's pen

remain

If thou hast yet no golden blinkers got

Oh! turn awhile, and, though the shamrock

wreaths

My homely harp, yet shall the song it breathes
Of Ireland's slavery, and of Ireland's woes,
Live, when the memory of her tyrant foes
Shall but exist, all future knaves to warn,
Embalm'd in hate and canonized by scorn.
When C-stl-r-gh, in sleep still more profound
Than his own opiate tongue now deals around,
Shall wait th' impeachment of that awful day
Which even his practised hand can't bribe away.

Yes, my dear friend, wert thou but near me now,
To see how Spring lights up on Erin's brow
Smiles that shine out, unconquerably fair,
Even through the blood-marks left by C-md-n
thore,-

Couldst thou but see what verdure paints the sod,
Which none but tyrants and their slaves have trod,
And didst thou know the spirit, kindd brave,
That warms the soul of each insulted slave,
Who, tired with struggling, sinks beneath his lot,
And seems by all but watchful France forgot-
Thy heart would burn-yes, even thy Pittite heart
Would burn, to think that such a blooming part
Of the world's garden, rich in nature's charms,
And fill'd with social souls and vigorous arms,
Should be the victim of that canting crew,
So smooth, so godly,-yet so devilish too;

To shade thine eyes from this devoted spot,
Whose wrongs, though blazon'd o'er the world they Who, arm'd at once with prayer-books and with

be,

Placemen alone are privileged not to see

jects. We are told that confidence and kindness will make them enemies to the government, though we know that exclusion and injuries have hardly prevented them from being its friends. In short, nothing can better illustrate the misery of those shifts and evasions by which a long course of cowardly injustice must be supported, than the whole history of Great Britain's conduct towards the Catholic part of her empire.

The "Sella Stercoraria" of the popes-The Right Honorable and learned Doctor will find an engraving of this chair in Spanheim's "Disquisitio Historica de Papa Fœmina," (p. 118;) and I recommend it as a model for the fashion of that seat which the Doctor is about to take in the privycouncil of Ireland.

When Innocent X. was entreated to decide the controversy between the Jesuits and the Jansenists, he answered, that "he had been bred a lawyer, and had therefore nothing to do with divinity."-It were to be wished that some of our English pettifoggers knew their own fit element as well as Pope Innocent X.

Not the C-md-n who speaks thus of Ireland:"To wind up all, whether we regard the fruitfulness of the soil, the advantage of the sea, with so many commodious havens, or the natives themselves, who are warlike, ingenions, handsome, and well-complexioned, soft-skinned and very nimble, by reason of the pliantness of their muscles, this Island is in many respects so happy, that Giraldus might very well say, 'Nature had regarded with more favorable eyes than ordinary this Kingdom of Zephyr." "

whips,

Blood on their hands, and Scripture on their lips,

The example of toleration, which Bonaparte has held forth, will, I fear, produce no other effect than that of determining the British government to persist, from the very spirit of opposition, in their own old system of intolerance and injustice; just as the Siamese blacken their teeth, "because," as they say, "the devil has white ones."

One of the unhappy results of the controversy between Protestants and Catholics, is the mutual exposure which their criminations and recriminations have produced. In vain do the Protestants charge the Papists with closing the door of salvation upon others, while many of their own writings and articles breathe the same uncharitable spirit. No canon of Constance or Lateran ever damned heretics more effectually than the eighth of the Thirty-nine Articles consigns to perdition every single member of the Greek church; and I doubt whether a more sweeping clause of damnation was ever proposed in the most bigoted council, than that which the Calvinistic theory of predestination in the seventeenth of these Articles exhibits. It is true that no liberal Protestant avows such exclusive opinions; that every honest clergyman must feel a pang while he subscribes to them; that some even assert the Athanasian Creed to be the forgery of one Vigilius Tapsensis, in the beginning of the sixth century, and that eminent divines, like Jortin, have not hesitated to say, "There are propositions contained in our Liturgy and Articles which no man of common sense amongst us believes."b But while all this is freely conceded to Protestants; while

See l'Histoire Naturelle et Polit. du Royaume de Siam, &c. b Strictures on the Articles, Subscriptions, &c.

Tyrants by creed, and torturers by text, Make this life hell, in honor of the next!

Which builds on heavenly cant its earthly sway, And in a convert mourns to lose a prey;

Your R-desd-les, P-rc-v-ls, great, glorious Which grasping human hearts with double hold,

Heaven,

If I'm presumptuous, be my tongue forgiven,
When here I swear, by my soul's hope of rest,
I'd rather have been born, ere man was blest
With the pure dawn of Revelation's light,
Yes, rather plunge me back in Pagan night,
And take my chance with Socrates for bliss,1
Than be the Christian of a faith like this,

Like Danäe's lover mixing god and gold,Corrupts both state and church, and makes an oath

The knave and atheist's passport into both;
Which, while it dooms dissenting souls to know
Nor bliss above nor liberty below,
Adds the slave's suffering to the sinner's fear,
And, lest he 'scape hereafter, racks him here!"

matter with the Pagans, and gives them a neutral territory or limbo of their own, where their employment, it must be owned, is not very enviable "Senza speme vivemo in desio." -Cant. iv.-Among the numerous errors imputed to Origen, he is accused of having denied the eternity of future punishment; and, if he never advanced a more irrational doctrine, we may venture, I think, to forgive him. He went so far, however, as to include the devil himself in the general helldelivery which he supposed would one day or other take place, and in this St. Augustin thinks him rather too mereifil-" Miserecordior profecto fuit Origenes, qui et ipsum diabolum," &c. (De Civitat. Dei, lib. xxi. cap. 17.)-According to St. Jerom, it was Origen's opinion that "the devil himself, after a certain time, will be as well off as the angel Gabriel"-"Id ipsum fore Gabrielem quod diabolum." (See his Epistle to Pammachius.) But Halloix, in his Defence of Origen, denies strongly that his learned father had any such misplaced tenderness for the devil.

2 Mr. Fox, in his Speech on the Repeal of the 'Test Act, (1790,) thus condemns the intermixture of religion with the political constitution of a state:-"What purpose (he asks) can it serve, except the baleful purpose of communicating and receiving contamination? Under such an alliance corruption must alight upon the one, and slavery overwhelm the other."

Locke, too, says of the connection between church and state, "The boundaries on both sides are fixed and immoveable. He jumbles heaven and earth together, the things most remote and opposite, who mixes these two societies, which are in their original, end, business, and in every thing, perfectly distinct and infinitely different from each other."First Letter on Toleration.

The corruptions introduced into Christianity may be dated from the period of its establishment under Constantine, nor could all the splendor which it then acquired atone for the peace and purity which it lost.

nobody doubts their sincerity, when they declare that their articles are not essentials of faith, but a collection of opinions which have been promulgated by fallible men, and from many of which they feel themselves justified in dissenting.while so much liberty of retractation is allowed to Protestants upon their own declared and subscribed Articles of religion, is it not strange that a similar indulgence should be so obstinately refused to the Catholics upon tenets which their church has uniformly resisted and condemned, in every conntry where it has independently flourished? When the Catholics say, "The Decree of the Council of Lateran, which you object to us, has no claim whatever upon either our faith or our reason; it did not even profess to contain any doctrinal decision, but was merely a judicial proceeding of that assembly; and it would be as fair for us to impute a wife-killing doctrine to the Protestants, because their first pope, Henry VIII., was sanctioned in an indulgence of that propensity, as for you to conclude that we have inherited a king-deposing taste from the acts of the Council of Lateran, or the secular pretensions of our popes. With respect, too, to the Decree of the Council of Constance, upon the strength of which you accuse us of breaking faith with heretics, we do not hesitate to pronounce that Decree a calumnious forgery, a forgery, too, so obvious and ill-fabricated, that none but our enemies have ever ventured to give it the slightest credit for authenticity." When the Catholics make these declarations, (and they are almost weary with making them,) when they show, too, by their conduct, that these declarations are sincere, and that their faith and morals are no more regulated by the absurd decrees of old councils and popes, than their science is influenced by the papal anathema against that Irishman who first found out the Antipodes, -is it not strange that so many still wilfully distrust v hat every good man is so much interested in believing? That so many should prefer the darklantern of the 13th century to the sunshine of intellect which has since overspread the world? and that every dabbler in theology, from Mr. Le Mesurier down to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, should dare to oppose the rubbish of Constance and Lateran to the bright and triumphant progress of justice, generosity, and truth?

1 In a singular work, written by one Franciscus Collius, "upon the Souls of the Pagans," the author discusses, with much coolness and erudition, all the probable chances of salvation upon which a heathen philosopher might calculate. Consigning to perdition, without much difficulty, Plato, Socrates, &c., the only sage at whose fate he seems to hesitate is Pythagoras, in consideration of his golden thigh, and the many miracles which he performed. But, having balanced a little his claims, and finding reason to father all these miracles on the devil, he at length, in the twenty-fifth chapter, decides upon damning him also. (De Animabus Paganorum, lib. iv. cap. 20 and 25.)-The poet Dante compromises the

a Virgilius, surnamed Solivagus, a native of Ireland, who maintained, in the 8th century, the doctrine of the Antipodes, and was anathematized accordingly by the Pore. Johu Scotus Erigena, another Irishman, was the first that ever wrote against transubstantiation.

3 There has been, after all, quite as much intolerance among Protestants as among Papists. According to the hackneyed quotation

Iliacos intra muros peccatur et extra.

Even the great champion of the Reformation, Melanchthon. whom Jortin calls "a divine of much mildness and goodnature," thus expresses his approbation of the burning of Servetus: "Legi (he says to Bullinger) quæ de Serveti blasphemiis respondistis, et pietatem ac judicia vestra probo. Judico etiam senatum Genevensem rectè fecisse, quod hominem pertinacem et non omissurum blasphemias sustulit; ac miratus sum esse qui severitatem illam improbent." I have great pleasure in contrasting with these "mild and good-natured" sentiments the following words of the Papist Baluze,in addressing his friend Conringius: 'Interim amemus, mi Conringi, et tametsi diversas opiniones tuemur in causâ religionis, moribus tamen diversi non simus, qui eadem literarum studia sectamur."-Herman. Conring. Epistol. par. secund. p. 56. Hume tells us that the Commons, in the beginning of Charles the First's reign, "attacked Montague, one of the

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