work just referred to. It destroys the right of election as it has been hitherto practised and understood in this country. It puts the whole power of electing this important body into the absolute control of the State political conventions. The people would be absolutely powerless to defeat a corrupt or improper candidate. The elector has no choice. He cannot vote against a candidate if he so desires. Twenty-six are to be elected and he can only vote for fourteen. The elector has no election. He can vote for fourteen, but cannot vote against any. A person nominated must be elected. Besides, a half dozen men of each political party would have the absolute control of the senatorial nominations. The rural districts would have but little voice in the choice of Senators. The nominations would be controlled by the delegates from the great cities. The people would be ignored, and politicians would have supreme control. It is a bold and ingenious attempt to steal a great political power from the people and hand it over to professed politcians. To this I cannot agree; I prefer to tread in the steps of our fathers, and to leave the choice of selecting our rulers to the people,who know the candidates who aspire to public position. If this Convention adopts the amendment of the gentleman from Lycoming our work will go down under an avalanche of one hundred thousand votes against it. Mr. BARTHOLOMEW. I move that the committee rise, report progress and ask leave to sit again. The motion was agreed to. The committee accordingly rose, and the President pro tem. having resumed the chair, the Chairman (Mr. Stanton) reported that the committee of the whole had had under consideration the nineteenth section of the article reported by the Committee on the Legislature and had instructed him to report progress and ask leave to sit again to-morrow. Leave was granted the committee of the whole to sit again. Mr. LILLY. I move that the Convention adjourn. The motion was agreed to, and (at two o'clock and fifty minutes P. M.) the Convention adjourned. ONE HUNDRED AND NINETEENTH DAY. FRIDAY, June 13, 1873. The Convention met at half-past nine o'clock A. M., Hon. John H. Walker, President pro tem., in the chair. The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved. LEAVES OF ABSENCE. Mr. COCHRAN asked and obtained leave of absence for himself for a part of today's session and Monday. Mr. PORTER asked and obtained leave of absence for himself for a few days from Monday. Mr. H. W. PALMER asked and obtained leave of absence for Mr. Davis for a few days from Monday. Mr. RUSSELL asked and obtained leave of absence for Mr. M'Culloch for a few days from Monday. Mr. DUNNING asked and obtained leave of absence for himself for a few days from Monday. Mr. ALRICKS asked and obtained leave of absence for himself for Monday. Mr. J. W. F. WHITE asked and obtained leave of absence for himself for a few days from Monday. PAY OF FIREMEN. Mr. HARRY WHITE submitted the following resolution, which was read twice and considered: Resolved, That the committee appointed to report on the salaries of members and officers are hereby instructed to report the amount of compensation to be paid the fireman and assistant for their servi ces. Mr. EWING. I move to amend the resolution by striking out "the Committee on Salaries" and inserting "the Committee on Accounts." Mr. HARRY WHITE. There is no intention of disrespect to any committee of the body. It is sufficient to say that a special committee was appointed to regulate the salaries of the members and the salaries of the officers, and I have named that committee thus specially appointed because of their familiarity with the question. Their minds have been turned to this matter. They are familiar with what they have reported. They know the kind of services that have been rendered, and there is eminent propriety that they, and they alone, should have charge of this matter. Now, I submit that we ought to do justice to an honest laborer. Yesterday the compensation of other officials was largely increased. The proposition here is merely to pay the fireman and the assistant fireman a fair compensation for their services. In no event will the increase exceed $180 or $200. I trust that this justice will be done to a meritorious official. Furthermore, I will state that by a reso lution passed when I was not present, the fireman has been discharged, but his accounts have not been settled, and he is here to this day for that purpose. I trust the resolution will pass. Mr. EWING. That is a very good reason for referring this matter to the Committee on Accounts, who have the contracts that have been made with these persons, who know all about their accounts, and are the proper parties to settle the matter. They have partly settled the fireman's accounts, and he has been paid a part on their report. Mr. HAY. I simply desire to say that the compensation of these employees was fixed by the Convention upon the report of a special committee of nine who were appointed at the beginning of the sessions of the Convention at Harrisburg to report what employees the Convention should have and how much they should be paid. The fireman and assistant fireman were to be paid then $350 a day, and of course they have been paid the $3 50 which was fixed by the Convention. I cannot understand the propriety of an increase of that compensation. It seems to me enough for the service rendered, and I, for one, very much object to an increase of that amount. Mr. COCHRAN. I simply wish to say that if this matter is referred to the Committee on Accounts, and they have to report upon it, they will report the amount allowed by the Convention. They are not going to change the compensation. Let the Convention decide here and now whether they think it is right to reverse their action in this case in the first instance. If they think there ought to be an increase, if they are going into the work of increasing everybody's pay, of course the resolution should go to the Committee on Salaries If the object is to increase the pay. do not send the resolution to the Committtee on Accounts, for the Committee on Accounts will not increase the pay. The PR SIDENT pro tem. The question is on the amendment offered by the delegate from Allegheny (Mr. Ewing.) The amendment was agreed to. The PRESIDENT pro tem. The question now recurs on the resolution as amended. The resolution was adopted. WARRANTS FOR PAY. Mr. HAY. I offer the following resolution: Resolved, That the resolution adopted by the Convention Jun twelfth, as follows, to wit: "Resolved, That the President be and is hereby directed to draw warrants in favor of members and officers for three fifths of the amount of salary payable to each," be referred to the Committee on Accounts and Expenditures, with instructions to report for what particular amounts warrants should be drawn thereunder. The resolution was read twice and considered. Mr. EWING. I merely wish to say that I offer the resolution in the interes of the Convention. I understood that some of the youthful members of the Convention, my friends from Allegheny (Mr D. N. White) and Warren (Mr. Struthers) and others are going on a little expedition tomorrow, and probably they will not be back in time to meet with us at half-past nine o'clock on Monday morning. Mr. MACVEAGH. Will the gentleman allow me to interrupt him? Is he perfectly sure that they will be ready for business when they get back? [Laughter.] Mr. EWING. Certainly. Mr. BRODHEAD. In order to accommodate all around, I move to iusert twelve instead of half pas ten. ["No." "No."] The excursion I am going on does not return until twelve: the excursion that the others go on gets back at half-past ten. My excursion does not get here until twelve, and there are a number of others that will be in the same boat. I think we The resolution was twice read and con- may as well postpone the meeting on Monsidered. Mr. HAY. Mr. President: I obtained a copy of the resolution adopted by the Convention yesterday when I was detained away from my seat, directing warrants to be drawn by the President of the onvention for a portion of the pay of members and officers; and I am informed, and the information is no doubt correctly given, that the Fresident of the onvention will decline to sign warrants upon the treasury until a report has been made by the Committee on Accounts and Expenditures In order, therefore, to carry out the will of the Convention, that the warrants should be drawn-although, in my opinion, no warrants for any portion of the salary of members of the Convention should be drawn until the time of its final adjournment is at hand -1 have thought it proper that this resolution should be referrea to that committee in order that they may have something to go upon and make their report accordingly. The resolution was agreed to. day until twelve o'clock. The PRESIDENT pro tem. The question is on the amendment. The amendment was rejected. Mr. TEMPLE. I move to strike out "half past ten" and insert "eleven " ["No." "No"] I desire to state for the benefit of gentlemen who are not aware of the running of trains on the ape May railroad that in all probability the Monday morning train will not reach Philadeiphia until a quarter past ten. SEVERAL MEMBERS. Let it run. The PRESIDENT pro tem. The question is on the amendment. The amendinent was rejected, less than a majority of a quorum voting therefor. The PRESIDENT pro tem. The question recurs on the resolution. Mr. DARLINGTON. I move to postpone the further consideration of the subject. The motion was not agreed to. The PRESIDENT pro tem. The original resolution is before the House. The resolution was agreed to. THE LEGISLATURE. Mr. MACVEAGH. I move that the Convention resolve itself into committee of the whole on the legislative article. This was agreed to, and the Convention resolved itself into committee of the whole, Mr. Stanton in the chair. The CHAIRMAN. When the committee vote for or against any man who is to hold an important office, who is to deal with his interests, and with his welfare, and with the dignity and the growth and the prosperity of a great State. Now, sir, I should be denied that right by this proposition. I could only vote for eleven or fourteen according to this pro we are to elect and who are to represent me and serve me. of the whole rose yesterday, the question position, only a portion of those whom before it was the amendment of the gentleman from Lycoming (Mr. Armstrong) to the amendment of the gentleman from Allegheny (Mr. D. N. White) to the nineteenth section of the article on the Legislature. The amendment to the amend ment will be read. The CLERK read as follows: "The Senate shall consist of fifty members, one-half thereof to be chosen every second year by a vote of the electors of the State at large, and in their election no voter shall vote for more than fourteen. Mr. BIGLER. Mr. Chairman: 1 desire once more to express my views on this proposition. It was under the other day, and now it is on top, and must be considered again. I listened with great interest, as I always do, to the clear persuasive remarks of the delegate from Columbia (Mr. Buckalew) on this subject; but with all his force he did not move my judgment. I am still clear that the State ought not to be districted in this way, in the manner proposed. In the first place, I have to repeat a great deal that has been said heretofore. I am against this form of selecting State Senators by a State convention, for, with this limitation upon the right to vote, it amounts to a selection, and nothing else. As I remarked the other day, I am not so apprehensive of the evils of nominating by State conventions as some gentlemen on this floor seem to be; but I do say that in view of the large delegation to be nominated, and the great interests that will be involved, this will be a very dangerous experiment. There is enough at stake to call into active efforts all the genius and power of bad politicians on both sides. Twentyfive men will be nominated, and there will, therefore, be vigilant men from all parts of the State engaged in this work. But, sir, if I had the right to vote for the whole twenty-five, or vote against them under this plan, it would not be so entirely inadmissable to my mind as it is. Only a single word or two on that thought. I hold that there is great signifiCanes in the elector having the right to According to my teachings, it is of the very essence of our republican system of government, it is of the essence of selfgovernment, that the elector has a right through his representative to impress his will upon the policy of the government, and it is because I have that opportunity boast, it is the distinguishing, characteristhat I am a self-governed man. It is the tic, it is the glory of our system, that the humblest man in community, equally largest possessions, has the right and the with the most distinguished, and he of the opportunity to impress his will upon the policy of the government. I say therefore there is great significance in this measure. State convention, let me suggest another Beyond the influence of politicians in a thing. If it be true that there are great influences in this State, if it be true that there are corporations of great power, if it be true that the rights of the people and the welfare of the people demand remedial legislation, I ask you, sir, to consider stop, and stop finally, your remedies. Why, how far you do give them the power to sir, if I represented such a power and if I desired to prevent the Legislature from applying remedies to the evils that exist, I would be delighted with the opportunity of uniting with the other influences and shaping so that you get no furthat would be present in such a body ther than the Senate with your remedies. say that so far as remedies would be conAm I distinctly understood? I mean to cerned it would be the opportunity for all the bad influences to make common did not interfere with the House of Repcause and stop you there, although they resentatives. taken by my distinguished friend from Now, I wish to allude to a single view Columbia, and I regret very much that he is not in his soat. Equally with him do I regret that it often happens that men of eminent fitness and eminent purity, living in a county where there is a large majority of one party or the other, are excluded as minority men from public life. I do not choose to take the view he does, though. I regret it, I say, for the reason that their services would be valuable. As for the individuals themselves, I rather congratulate them. They are a fortunate class of men to be out of politics in these latter days. I have no sorrow on their account and no regrets on their account. Mr. DARLINGTON, Mr. Chairman: I rise to a question of order. There is so much buzzing in the Hall that it is impossible to hear. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will insist on better order. It is certainly impossible for the reporters to hear. Mr. BIGLER. Now, Mr. President, although that is a very plausible view, one that I doubt not has some influence here, yet I think it sinks entirely below that broad consideration which this subject ought to receive. It is a question which we are about to settle, probably, for many years, and it should be settled, not in reference to an individual residing here, or residing in Berks, or residing in Lancaster, but solely in reference to its effect upon the future welfare of the people of this great State. I have said enough to indicate my position on the subject. I am distinctly against this proposition of electing Senators at large on the plan under consideration. My distinguished friend from Columbia did not say whether he would be willing to take the chance of allowing one party to have all the Senators or not. I take it for granted that he would not entertain that proposition, that either party should have the opportunity of electing the entire ticket; but unless we adopt the mode of a limited vote, which, as I have said before, amounts simply to the selection of Senators by a State convention, it must follow that one party or the other gets the entire delegation. Therefore, whatever we may think about the good influences of the election of delegates at large, and I conceded to it the other day some merit, it might incite men to think of the State Senate who would not under other circumstances entertain the idea. But as it stands, we must either select the Senators for this State on a general ticket, wherein there will be a State contest, and one party or the other will get all the Senators, or else we come down to the selection of State Senators by State conventions. I am against either the one or the other. Mr. LILLY. I do not desire, Mr. Chairman, to enter into this discussion, because I see it is useless to undertake to press this proposition. I think it is just about as useless as it would be for me to whistle against a northeast wind in this House. But, sir, notwithstanding that fact, I believe that the principle of the amendment of the gentleman from Lycoming is proper and right and should be carried out. I have no hope, however, of the adoption of the proposition by this Convention, and I shall not therefore take up much of the time of the Convention on the subject. The gentleman from Clearfield who has just taken his seat, inveighs against State conventions. I aver that there are not six single districts in this Commonwealth where the nominations are not made by the politicians, and by the smallest politicians that there are in the Commonwealth. The very argument that he makes against State conventions will apply to the districts with four times the force, because it is the smallest kind of politicians that make the nominations there. A man nominated by a State convention of either party must have a Statewide reputation before he can get on the ticket, and under that system of nomination you will get the best men that the Commonwealth can produce, and you will get a Senate that the State can be proud of. Under this system of single districts, to which I see this House is entirely wedded and it is no use talking against it, you will have the Senate as we have had it for years and years past. Sir, I say this with an intimate knowledge of the Senate for the past twentyone years or more. I know that in the district in which I reside the nomination of Senator is made by three men every time. The party concedes the nomination to one county or the other-we have four counties in the district-and three small politicians make the nomination for that whole district every time. Would it not be far better to leave it to the assembled wisdom of the party in a State convention to pick out a man or set of men with State-wide reputations, than it is to allow three men, three small, trading politicians, if you please, from a small county, to say who shall be sent from that district? But, sir, as I said when I rose, I do not desire to prolong this discussion. I see that it is useless to talk about this amendment, but I could not forbear saying this much. Mr. BIDDLE. Mr. Chairman: I cannot permit myself to give a silent vote upon |