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business and do their thinking, and you will have a gradual growth of definite rules, of fixed interpretation, and of established precedents, according to which you may know your case will be decided.
Certainly the opinion of one who as Secretary of State negotiated more treaties of arbitration than any American statesman and who appeared as leading counsel of the United States before a great arbitral tribunal, is entitled to no ordinary degree of respect and, instead of indiscriminate praise of arbitration and a denial of the differences between it and judicial settlement, the essentials of the two methods should be examined, in order to see whether a difference exists and whether, as Mr. Root says, “the next step * * * is to substitute for the kind of arbitration we have now * * * real courts where judges * * * pass upon the rights of countries * * * in accordance with the facts as found and the law as established.”
It is believed that the Mohonk Conference could consider whether judicial settlement is the next step and, if so, how this next step could properly be taken. There is no finality in the domain of politics. A remedy which has served its term is cast aside for a better, just as the theory of natural law, which rendered inestimable services in the creation and development of international law, has been cast aside as a fiction. The conservative has his place, but however he may conserve the past, he does not make or mold the future.
Without, however, dwelling upon this question, about which, as has been said, there is much difference of opinion, the platform of the Mohonk Conference is quoted in full, and attention is called especially to the recommendation of an international court of justice, as recommended by the Second Hague Conference:
The Twentieth Annual Lake Mohonk Conference on International Arbitration while deploring the fact that the history of the past year has been disfigured by wars in both hemispheres, attended at times by shocking barbarities, recognizes unmistakable signs of the advance of the public opinion of the world towards the peaceful settlement of international disputes. The general peace of Europe has been maintained in spite of the grave situation in the Balkans; and in the face of threatened war, the American people have shown a praiseworthy self-restraint, and have accepted with commendable spirit the tender of good offices made in accordance with the recommendations of the First Hague Conference, by our sister republics of South America, Brazil, Argentina and Chile.
1 Proceedings of American Society for Judicial Settlement of International Disputes (1910), pp. 11-13.
We recognize the far-reaching importance of the proffer and acceptance of mediation, and record our confidence that the work of the conference of mediators, now in session, will result in an honorable and permanent settlement of the points at issue between the United States and Mexico. We express unqualified endorsement of President Wilson's declaration that this country does not aim at territorial aggrandizement.
We call renewed attention to the necessity of such legislation as shall place all matters involving our relations to aliens and to foreign nations under the direct and effectual control of the federal government and the jurisdiction of the federal courts. Foreign governments can deal only with our national government; and the respective responsibilities of the states and of the nation should promptly be so readjusted as to terminate the anomalous conditions under which our friendly relations with other powers have repeatedly in recent years been menaced.
We urge such action by our government as shall secure the convoking of the Third Hague Conference at the earliest practicable date, with such thorough preparation of its program as shall ensure for the Conference the highest measure of success. We recall with satisfaction the initiative of our government in calling the Second Hague Conference and in securing provision in its convention for the assembling of the Third Conference. We express our satisfaction that steps have already been taken by our Government to facilitate the calling of the Third Conference. We urge upon our people and upon all peoples the importance of convening the Conferences at regular intervals.
We recommend that in addition to the present Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, as established under the conventions of 1899 and 1907, there be established as soon as practicable, among such powers as may agree thereto, a court with a determinate personnel, as advised by the Second Hague Conference.
We gratefully recognize in the establishment since the last Mohonk Conference of the Church Peace Union, in the large development of the British and German Peace Councils, and in the recent solemn appeal of the churches of Switzerland to the churches of Europe for united effort in behalf of the cause of peace an impressive witness of the drawing together of the world's religious forces for the strengthening of international justice and co-operation; and we bespeak for the coming International Church Conference in Switzerland the earnest support of the American churches.
We express anew our deep interest in the proposed celebration of the centenary of peace between the United States and Great Britain, to be inaugurated on Christmas Eve, 1914, the anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Ghent. We commend to the world the impressive example of the unfortified Canadian boundary line of 4000 miles. We rejoice that the plans for the proposed celebration include the official participation of many nations, and urge the co-operation of all friends of peace in this commemoration of the triumphs of a marvelous century of international good will and of progress toward international justice and righteousness.
In view of the powerful influence exercised by the press, be it resolved that it is the sense of the Lake Mohonk Conference on International Arbitration that the cause for which we are striving would be aided and encouraged through the convening of a congress of editors in Washington, D. C., for the discussion of international arbitration and for the awakening of the public conscience to the advantages of a peaceful settlement of differences arising between nations.
THE BARONESS BERTHA VON SUTTNER (1843-1914) It is essential to the success of any reform that it be presented to the public in such a way as to gain and hold its attention. A small knot of reformers may convert their immediate friends and create a sentiment in favor of their projects, and this sentiment may suffice if the reform in question concern but a section of the community and can be carried into effect by the legislature, if it require a statute, provided that the reform does not meet with the opposition of large and interested sections of the particular community.
Thus John Howard started prison reform, and he and his followers only needed to overcome the indifference of the authorities and the public. Again, Sir Samuel Romilly started a movement in favor of the reform of the criminal law of England. This was preëminently a legislative question. Members of Parliament were apathetic; and, curiously enough, the judges, such as Lords Eldon and Ellenborough, set their faces against every attempt to lessen the number of capital offenses. But however unsuccessful he was in Parliament, his efforts attracted the attention of the public, and the great body of Englishmen became convinced of the essential barbarity of their criminal code. The efforts of Romilly's associate and successor in the good work, Sir James Mackintosh, were seconded by public opinion, which made itself felt even in an unreformed Parliament, where Sir Robert Peel, on behalf of a Tory Government and in the teeth of the old opponents, declared himself in his great speech of March 9, 1826, in favor of the reform of the code and, as Home Secretary, carried it out.
Let us take, however, an example of a larger movement carried to success which required and received the support of the public at large. The movement for the abolition of slavery in the United States was started by a few obscure reformers whose names are, however, treasured today by a grateful and regenerated people. Their appeal was largely to the conscience; it did not and could not touch or stir the heart. In 1852, one Harriet Beecher Stowe published Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life Among the Lowly. The situation changed, as it were, overnight. The evils of slavery were presented in a story of absorbing interest; the heart of the people was touched, and the abolition of slavery became inevitable.
The peace movement has had its Harriet Beecher Stowe; and the Baroness von Suttner's novel, Die Waffen Nieder (Lay Down your Arms), published in 1889, can properly be compared with Uncle Tom's Cabin. It has been translated into many languages. It has shown the horrors of war just as its prototype showed the horrors of slavery. Both reached the heart and, through the heart, the conscience. Slavery was in 1852 discredited and confined to particular localities. Mrs. Stowe's triumph was therefore easier and more immediate. The war system is not confined to any locality, and it can not be said that however opposed by the select few it was discredited by the many. But the Baroness von Suttner's book called attention to it in such a way as to put it on the defensive; and the style of the novel and its incidents were so interesting in themselves as to compel attention. This is the service which this high minded and gifted woman rendered to the cause of mankind.
CHRONICLE OF INTERNATIONAL EVENTS
Abbreviations: Ann. sc. pol., Annales des sciences politiques, Paris; Vie Int., La Vie Internationale, Brussels; Arch. dipl., Archives Diplomatiques, Paris; B., boletin, bulletin, bolletino; P. A. U., bulletin of the Pan-American Union, Washington; Clunet, J. de Dr. Int. Privé, Paris; Doc. dipl., France, Documents diplomatiques; B. Rel. Ext., Boletin de Relaciones Exteriores; Dr., droit, diritto, derecho; D. 0., Diario Oficial; For. rel., Foreign Relations of the United States; Ga., gazette, gaceta, gazzetta; Cd., Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers; Int., international, internacional, internazionale; J., journal; J. O., Journal Officiel, Paris; L'Int. Sc., L'Internationalism Scientifique, The Hague; Mém. dipl., Memorial diplomatique, Paris; Monit., Moniteur belge, Brussels; Martens, Nouveau recueil générale de traités, Leipzig; Q. dip., Questions diplomatiques et coloniales; R., review, revista, revue, rivista; Reichs G., Reichs-Gesetzblatt, Berlin; Staats., Staatsblad, Netherlands; State Papers, British and Foreign State Papers, London; Stat. at L., United States Statutes at Large; Times, The Times (London).
January, 1913. 9 FRANCE–GREAT BRITAIN. Agreement announced concerning the
shipment of arms and ammunition to Persia and the Indian
frontier. N. Y. Times, January 19, 1913. 9 ABYSSINIA—GREAT BRITAIN. Announcement of British Order in
Council establishing courts for the benefit of British subjects in
Abyssinia. N. Y. Times, January 19, 1913. 10 FRANCE-NETHERLANDS. The protocol concerning maritime rules,
signed December 17, 1909, was ratified by a note which contained further agreement upon the subject. French text: Mar
tens (3), 7:770. 12 BELGIUM—Bolivia. Consular convention, signed August 21, 1911,
promulgated by Belgium. French text: Mém. dipl., 51:631.
February, 1913. 15 FRANCE-SPAIN. The delegates to the Franco-Spanish arbitration tribunal, under compromis provided for in Art. 27 of