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dominions themselves, and it is not unlikely that recognition of them in that capacity will be sought. It is very possible that the British Government will be impelled to accept some convention under a reservation made in whole or in part on behalf of Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Africa; such a reservation would naturally bring the whole question of sovereign unity and equality under review.

When that question arises in a practical manner it will have to be fought out to a finish or a compromise. If Great Britain were alone concerned, the matter would not have much practical bearing; but the other large Powers chafe under the relatively unequal influence wielded in international diplomatic conferences by the small states. Some of the small states with dependencies stand to gain by a change of practice, and if such possible combinations as a Balkan confederation or a Central American federation take place there will also be smaller states interested in the revision of a theory which would place them at a disadvantage. The empire kingdom of Austria-Hungary would doubtless welcome a double vote.

The writer is not unduly perturbed at these developments, but he does believe that, since the facts point to a coming attack on the sovereignty theory, it is important to have as complete knowledge as possible of the conditions involved before the case comes, as it were, to trial.

The present study deals with the fundamental question which must be adequately examined and on which a solution must be found before the world can have the positive assurance that the Peace Conferences are to continue as a permanent institution among the many forces that make for peace and justice in the relations between nation and nation. Effort has been made to show what definite tendencies are in existence looking toward a more equitable distribution of voting and vocal power than is found in the sovereignty theory. The objective study of the subject has therefore been founded on the actual basis of representation in official international conferences and organizations. Its results indicate the practice of the world in this respect, and perhaps its tendency. It does not deal with the opinions of authorities, however great their reputation, nor to any considerable extent with the conclusions of government officials. These sources were considered in an article by Frederick

Charles Hicks in this JOURNAL, Vol. II, pp. 530-561, where, at page 560, he concludes:

As with man, so with states, suffrage is not a natural or inherent right. It comes only after compliance with rules established for its regulation. A man's vote represents himself and his family. There are physical limits to the influence and power which he may represent. A state, on the other hand, may be of almost any size and power. Yet with the present method of voting (one state one vote), no state is properly represented.

Mr. Hicks wrote immediately after the Second Peace Conference had encountered great difficulty in discussing the propositions for the Court of Arbitral Justice and the International Court of Prize,-both involving unequal representation,-in a diplomatic conference where the voting ability of every state was equal to that of every other. It is of importance to know from thorough investigation whether those who stood for strict equality or those who wished to shade the influence of a state's voice in accordance with its relative value in the specific case were the more in consonance with the times. Was the adherence of the largest Powers to the latter principle an advanced position, jibing with the tendency of international law; or was the attitude of those other states, who won their point on the Court of Arbitral Justice through the rule of unanimity and who insisted on absolute equality, the more enlightened?

Statistics do not answer the question very definitely, although it would seem that the equality idea is being more and more crowded into the background. Conferences almost without exception cling to the principle of absolute equality of vote-I am speaking of diplomatic meetings-but it is admittedly unsatisfactory, and what may be called an indication of a modern solution of the problem is found in the proposition adopted by the International Radiotelegraphic Conference of Berlin in 1906, when it was agreed that colonies should be admitted to the future conferences with one vote for each colony, the limit of votes for each sovereign being six. Here is an effective and yet a feasible. method of bestowing legitimate influence in a diplomatic conference upon a Power of the first class.

The accompanying summary of official practices has been prepared 'The table subjoined deals only with official organizations. The writer has aimed to make a careful distinction between those organizations which owe their existence

dominions themselves, and it is not unlikely that recognition of them in that capacity will be sought. It is very possible that the British Government will be impelled to accept some convention under a reservation made in whole or in part on behalf of Canada, Australia, New Zealand or South Africa; such a reservation would naturally bring the whole question of sovereign unity and equality under review.

When that question arises in a practical manner it will have to be fought out to a finish or a compromise. If Great Britain were alone concerned, the matter would not have much practical bearing; but the other large Powers chafe under the relatively unequal influence wielded in international diplomatic conferences by the small states. Some of the small states with dependencies stand to gain by a change of practice, and if such possible combinations as a Balkan confederation or a Central American federation take place there will also be smaller states interested in the revision of a theory which would place them at a disadvantage. The empire kingdom of Austria-Hungary would doubtless welcome a double vote.

The writer is not unduly perturbed at these developments, but he does believe that, since the facts point to a coming attack on the sovereignty theory, it is important to have as complete knowledge as possible of the conditions involved before the case comes, as it were, to trial.

The present study deals with the fundamental question which must be adequately examined and on which a solution must be found before the world can have the positive assurance that the Peace Conferences are to continue as a permanent institution among the many forces that make for peace and justice in the relations between nation and nation. Effort has been made to show what definite tendencies are in existence looking toward a more equitable distribution of voting and vocal power than is found in the sovereignty theory. The objective study of the subject has therefore been founded on the actual basis of representation in official international conferences and organizations. Its results indicate the practice of the world in this respect, and perhaps its tendency. It does not deal with the opinions of authorities, however great their reputation, nor to any considerable extent with the conclusions of government officials. These sources were considered in an article by Frederick

Charles Hicks in this JOURNAL, Vol. II, pp. 530-561, where, at page 560, he concludes:

As with man, so with states, suffrage is not a natural or inherent right. It comes only after compliance with rules established for its regulation. A man's vote represents himself and his family. There are physical limits to the influence and power which he may represent. A state, on the other hand, may be of almost any size and power. Yet with the present method of voting (one state one vote), no state is properly represented.

Mr. Hicks wrote immediately after the Second Peace Conference had encountered great difficulty in discussing the propositions for the Court of Arbitral Justice and the International Court of Prize,-both involving unequal representation,-in a diplomatic conference where the voting ability of every state was equal to that of every other. It is of importance to know from thorough investigation whether those who stood for strict equality or those who wished to shade the influence of a state's voice in accordance with its relative value in the specific case were the more in consonance with the times. Was the adherence of the largest Powers to the latter principle an advanced position, jibing with the tendency of international law; or was the attitude of those other states, who won their point on the Court of Arbitral Justice through the rule of unanimity and who insisted on absolute equality, the more enlightened?

Statistics do not answer the question very definitely, although it would seem that the equality idea is being more and more crowded into the background. Conferences almost without exception cling to the principle of absolute equality of vote-I am speaking of diplomatic meetings—but it is admittedly unsatisfactory, and what may be called an indication of a modern solution of the problem is found in the proposition adopted by the International Radiotelegraphic Conference of Berlin in 1906, when it was agreed that colonies should be admitted to the future conferences with one vote for each colony, the limit of votes for each sovereign being six. Here is an effective and yet a feasible method of bestowing legitimate influence in a diplomatic conference upon a Power of the first class.

The accompanying summary of official practices 7 has been prepared 7 The table subjoined deals only with official organizations. The writer has aimed to make a careful distinction between those organizations which owe their existence

to give a ready comprehension of what has been done regarding representation, and 45 different conference series or organizations have been considered. In many instances the question of classification has proved

to the initiative or the support of the nations themselves and those which are purely private in character, or mixed in membership. Government supported organizations are called official; those containing representatives of private societies and which are also given official standing are called mixed; and those which are entirely the result of private initiative are called private. Mixed organizations have generally been excluded unless their character was preponderantly official.

The following is a summary of the analysis made:

VOTING POWER

State Unit. Hague Conference, 1899 and 1907; Pan American Conference 1889-90, 1902, 1906 and 1910; Universal Postal Union, 1869, with colonies separate; International Radiotelegraphic Conferences, 1906 and 1912, with colonies up to five; Universal Telegraphic Conference, 1875 on, with colonies and proxy allowed; International Weights and Measures Conference, 1875 on, with colonies separate; Central American Conference, 1907; Red Cross Central Committee, 1864; Geneva Conference, 1906; International Conference on Literary and Artistic Property, 1884 and 1885; Kongo régime, 1885; International Geodetic Association, 1864 (rules 1897); International Association of Seismology, 1903, proxy allowed; International Exploration of the Sea, 1899, each state two delegates; International Sugar Union Convention, 1902; International Sugar Union Commission; International American Conference, 1826; International Conference on Expositions, 1912, with colonies separate. TOTAL, 18.

Representatives. Brazilian proposal for Court of Arbitral Justice, 1907; Central American Bureau, 1907; International Sanitary Convention, 1903; Cape Spartel Lighthouse Commission, 1866; International Sugar Union Commission, 1902, with reduction for non-exporters. TOTAL, 5.

Flexible Panel. Court of Arbitral Justice proposal (final majority vote), 1907; International Prize Court, 1907; Latin Monetary Union, 1885, based on population; International Geodetic Association, 1864 (rules 1897), based on population; International Association of Seismology, 1903, based on population. Total, 5.

Majority of Delegates. Red Cross Conference (rules of 1892, for meetings of Red Cross workers, official and private). TOTAL, 1.

EXPENSE BASIS

Voluntary Expense Units. Permanent Court of Arbitration, 1899 and 1907; Chinese proposal for Court of Arbitral Justice, 1907; Permanent Bureau of Hague Court, 1899; Universal Postal Union, 1869, with colonies separate; International Telegraphic Bureau, 1868, with colonies separate; International Institute of Agriculture, 1905, with colonies separate; International Sanitary Office, 1907; International Literary and Artistic Property Bureau, 1884-5; International Industrial Property Bureau, 1887. TOTAL, 10.

Equality of Expenses. Brazilian proposal for Court of Arbitral Justice, 1907; Cen

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