Unlimited authority in the hands of the minority means despotism and oppression. Unlimited authority in the hands of the majority is the dictatorship and the tyranny of the mob. But evolution moves onward resistlessly toward the American time, toward the constitutional republic, toward government by a majority, with authority so limited that even the majority may not invade those sacred, inalienable rights with which all men created equal are endowed by their Creator. The empire is government by a minority with unlimited authority. The League of Nations, a scheme of empire born of imperial ambition, was government by a minority with unlimited authority. Under it less than three hundred and seventy millions of people in a coalition relying upon force sought, with no pledge, to preserve the inalienable rights of all the rest, to impose its will upon the more than billion human beings who were to be subject to its will and bow in obedience to its decrees.

Such a coalition or super-government, government by a minority with unlimited authority, was and must forever be repugnant to every principle of American philosophy. The Concert of Nations which I have proposed seeks to apply the American philosophy of government, the principles of government by a majority with limited authority, for the establishment of proper international relationships. The Concert of Nations would be an asso

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by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness,' "that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed," the fathers constituted a government devoted to the achievement of these ends which I have enumerated in that great preamble to the Constitution of the United States, "to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Justice and liberty were the purposes which the fathers sought to achieve by the founding of this government, and their souls were inspired by the faith that by the example and through the instrumentality the institutions of ordered liberty of government by the majority with. limited authority would be extended in ever widening circles, through the centuries, to carry at last their unspeakable blessings to the remotest shores and most distant islands of the sea where dwell the sons of men. This government they handed down to us, a sacred responsibility, a priceless opportunity, firm in the faith that we would so administer it that it would become the prophet of a new day and the leader of the world onward to a better age.

concerted action, for the realization throughout the world and the efficient application everywhere of the great affirmations contained in the preamble of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution of the United States. Profoundly reverencing the God of nations, holding "These truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they are endowed

ITS PURPOSES

I find nothing in the doctrine of the fathers to indicate that they set any narrow bounds to the number of states which might be federated into a common government. I can find no support for the contention that the fathers, particularly Washington, Hamilton, and Madison, placed any narrow limitations upon the extent of the

sphere which might be embraced in governmental organization, or that they taught any doctrine of national isolation. On the contrary, they most clearly perceived that the principle of federation, with the careful maintenance of the proper balance between the rights of self-determination of the parts and the surrender by a reasonable delegation of powers by the parts for the safe unification into the whole would lend itself to indefinite expansion. I wish that I had space adequate to quote paragraphs from Washington and Madison, particularly bearing upon this question. It was not because he believed in selfish isolation, it was not because he desired to confine to a narrow sphere the application of this principle, that Washington warned against foreign alliances. It was rather because he clearly perceived the fact, which we must now recognize, that while this nation might from time to time alter its temporary policies from reasons of expedience, it could not abandon its principles or depart either in its foreign or domestic activities. from those exalted purposes to which it had been dedicated, without complete self-destruction. This is the vital point to be remembered. We can not form alliances with other nations. We can not become a part of a super-government devoted to purposes alien to our own.

The purposes of the Concert of Nations, as I have stated, would be the purposes to which our own government has been dedicated. My resolution provides for the calling of an international conference, an assembly of the colonies, protectorates, and dependencies and of representatives of labor. To the international conference would be invited all of the states signatory of or adherent to the convention for the Pacific settlement of international disputes, of July 24, 1899,

and their successors, and all other states since recognized, or which may be recognized prior to the sending out of the invitations. This list of states would, of course, include Germany, Russia, India and Ireland. This international conference would be the first of a series of periodical conferences and assemblies of a similar character, meeting at periods of three years at places determined by the international conferences. The general object of the conferences and assemblies shall be to constitute a concert of the states and countries of the world on the general lines of the international conference of American states and the inter-American High Commission, by means of central and national institutions and processes adapted to carry on orderly discussion, deliberation, and judgment concerning matters of common interest, with a view to inducing such peaceful and voluntary action of the states in the common interest as may be needful to bring about international coöperation.

All resolutions agreed upon either in the international conference or in the assembly of the colonies, protectorates and dependencies shall be of an advisory character, and any international or pan-national organs or processes initiated or instituted shall be of a voluntary nature and shall have only advisory powers. The international conferences would establish and maintain a system of advisory correspondence, with continuation committees sitting in the intervals between the conferences to prepare for the international conferences and the assemblies of the colonies, protectorates, and dependencies and to carry on the system of correspondence.

The purposes would be (1) to consider the common and mutual interests and the social and economic relations of the states and the peoples of the

world as naturally and necessarily united for mutual aid and benefit, and to recommend such projects of uniformity or reciprocity in the action of the states, respectively, as will enable them to coöperate for the general welfare.

(2) To formulate a body of international law based on the security of the fundamental rights of the individual as the prime function of all governments and for applying as between states the analogies of the laws of partnerships and cotenancy and as between states and their respective colonies, protectorates, and dependencies the analogies of the laws of conservatorship, guardianship, and trusteeship.

(3) To devise methods for the advancement of the peoples of colonies, protectorates, or dependencies from the status of dependence to that of independence and to full participation in the international conference.

(4) To decide concerning the admission into the international conferences of any communities claiming to be states formed by the division of existing states or by the junction of state or parts of states.

(5) To promote coöperation among the more advanced nations for the improvement and advancement of the backward countries and territories, particularly those of Africa and parts of Asia, by the formulation of plans for the reclamation of waste land, for the utilization of natural resources, including water powers, for wise colonization, for the promotion of education and the spread of civilization throughout the world.

(6) To consider the problems of the congestion of some and the underpopulation of other nations and the unregulated competition between the more populous and industrial countries for the trade and raw products of the less populous agricultural ones.

(7) To study the problem of inter

national finance, credits, and exchange, with a view to the prompt shipment on suitable credits, particularly into Russia, Germany, Austria, China, Africa, and any other agriculturally or industrially undeveloped or prostrated countries, of tools, agricultural implements, seeds, and other materials necessary to production, as well as foodstuffs, necessities, and commodities, for the purpose of encouraging a resumption of production which will be favorable to the rehabilitation of the world.

(8) To localize hostilities between states by coöperative policing of the high seas or otherwise, and to take such action in case of such hostilities that the result of any armed conflict between states may be to increase the area within which the rights of the individual are effectively secured and to render more perfect the union of all the states for mutual aid and benefit.

(9) To make further provision for the pacific settlement of international disputes and for the settlement of such disputes according to accepted principles of law and by due process of law; and for this purpose to establish an international supreme court of justice and a system of inferior international courts having jurisdiction of controversies between states in which the parties in interest are citizens of different states, and also of such controversies between states in their own right, as may be susceptible of decision by application of accepted principles of public or private law.

(10) To encourage the establishment, where stable governments do not exist, of constitutional republics or governments of such character as would make for that national stability upon which would be based a permanently peaceful international order, and to promote the institution in each nation of appropriate national agencies of international correspondence and concert

and the control by national legislatures of the appointment and instruction of national delegates to the international conferences.

(11) To promote amity and mutual understanding between the oriental and occidental peoples, and to proceed with all possible means and speed to conciliate the people of Russia, China, India, Afghanistan, the Central Powers, and Turkey, in order that these nations or countries may. not form, against the western powers, a hostile coalition which might menace the peace of the world.

The President would be authorized and directed, by invitations to be sent out by him during the month of June, 1921, to invite each of the aforesaid states to send five delegates, to be selected from the organized labor bodies of each of said states, to an international conference on labor to be held at Washington at the same time with the international conferences of the states and the assembly of the colonies, protectorates, and dependencies, said international conference on labor to sit concurrently with but separate from and independent of, the international conference of the states and the assembly of the colonies, protectorates, and dependencies. This

international conference on labor may send communications to and advise with the other two aforesaid conferences. It shall be the function of the international conference on labor to consider and deliberate upon all questions affecting the general welfare of labor throughout the world and to make recommendations to the international conference of the states and to the assembly of the colonies, protectorates, and dependencies of measures which, in the opinion of the international conference on labor, would tend to promote the establishment of general justice, the assurance of the general tranquillity, the promotion of the general welfare, and the securing generally of the blessings of liberty to the peoples now living, and to their posterity.

It provides for no super-government. All of its processes would be advisory and the authority of the conferences would be limited by their assent and agreement to the purposes which have been enumerated. As I have already intimated, there is no theoretical reason why the whole world might not be federated. When they shall all be dedicated to the purposes of the United States, there might well be a United States of the world.

I

WISH I thought that the problem of an effective world organization was as easy as many people seem to think it is. They are like the student who claimed that he had discovered the nature of the aurora borealis but unfortunately had forgotten

the details of the discovery. To prevent war, a "consummation devoutly to be wished" but as yet not realized in the history of the world, something more is necessary than to perfect an organic combination of the nations of the world. Peace by this method has

been an illusion vainly followed by various nations for many centuries, and while I am quite willing to agree that the fact that in the thousands of preceding years it has not been accomplished does not necessarily imply that it may not be in the future, yet the present results of the last attempt of the civilized nations of the world to perfect a League of Nations has not impressed me with the present feasibility of the project.

Confucians to contribute to the common harmony; and when all these churches have agreed upon one unified method of church government, whereby they will evidence their common faith in the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, then it may be easy in the matter of the practical vital interests of nations to get forty-four nations of varying degrees of culture, ideals, intelligence and morality to agree upon an effective world organization.

We might as well face facts. We

OF NATIONS?

The project of a League of Nations, is as the Kingdom of God- it "cometh not with observation"—it is something that can never be created by rhapsodies of words, by lengthy parchments or by red seals. It can not be imposed upon the world from above. It must come from the very depths of humanity and be evolved out of social conditions. In other words, all attempts by an artificial covenant or agreement between nations, in the past and at the present hour, to impose peace upon the world have hitherto failed because they are premature. One essential to an effecttive world organization is therefore the avoidance of pre-maturity. The foundation and superstructure must be built slowly and patiently.

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To those who think it is so easy to construct a world organization, I commend an easier task. Try to get all the Protestant Churches of the world to iron out their differences and agree upon a common system of church ernment; and then when that is done, try to get the Roman Catholic Church to agree to merge; and when that is done, get the Greek Church to join the unified church; and when that is done get the Jewish Church to combine with the three I have mentioned. Then get the Moslems to come into the great combine; then the Buddhists and

bows. Mankind never advances except over the stony pathway of realities. When he does that he generally gets somewhere, but when he is seeking a pot of gold at the other end of an iridescent rainbow, he is apt to tumble into a morass.

The good God might have standardized man as Mr. Ford standardizes his famous flivver, but the Almighty did not do it. He has created fortyfour or more nations, and many races, that range from the Australian bushmen to the most highly civilized race (whatever that is), races that have grouped themselves into nations for centuries and some for a thousand years, and in some cases four and five thousand years, and which, therefore, have all the pride and the ancestral influences of a thousand or five thousand years of history. These nations do not even agree upon what justice is, much less upon what international law is. Even if they did agree upon abstract justice, they would, nevertheless, not always agree as to what they would do or not do if a particular question arose, in which they felt that their vital interests conflicted with an accepted standard of justice. Nay, more nations differ very widely in their sense of human soldiarity, and especially in their sense of their responsibility for the peace of the world.