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American should regard it as a duty to criticise fearlessly what ever is done that is wrong in order that the remedies may be speedily applied.

Mr. Roosevelt showed by a quotation from his writings after the Spanish-American War that the principle which he advocates to-day with a Democratic Administration in power he also advocated in 1899 when a Republican Administration was in power. He said:

"Shortly after the Spanish-American War I became Governor of New York. I had been part of Mr. McKinley's Administration, and the next year I was to run as Vice-President on the ticket with him. But then, as now, I held it to be my prime duty to tell the truth when it was in the interest of the Nation that the truth should be told. In November, 1899, I wrote as follows about the Santiago campaign, in which I had taken part:

"The bureaus in Washington were absolutely enmeshed in red tape, and were held for the most part by elderly men no longer fit to break through routine and show the necessary initiative and willingness to accept responsibility.'

"Don't you think that applies pretty well to-day? Remember that I was speaking about my own party, the Administration of my own party, and of the war in which I had taken part. I continued:

"The Santiago campaign was a welter of confusion, with an utter lack of organization and that skilled leadership which can come only through practice. The Army was more than once uncomfortably near disaster, from which it was saved only by the incompetence of its foes.'

The American Defense Society has been a consistent advocate of universal training and of the suppression of seditionists and enemy agents within the United States. It was active in the curtailment of the powers of enemy insurance companies to transmit military information to Germany and in calling the attention of the country to the machinations of men of the stamp of Hearst and La Follette. It has perhaps been less constructive than the National Security League, but it has accomplished much of value. Its headquarters are at 44 East Twenty-third Street, New York City.

"GO ON OR GO UNDER "

The British Prime Minister rarely makes an address in which some one phrase does not stand out so sharply that it strikes the public imagination. Such a phrase was his "The people either must go on or go under" in the address of January 13 before the British Labor Conference. The country had been waiting to hear from Mr. Lloyd George on the pressing question of man power in the war. The time has come when England must renew its strength in the field or, at the least, must provide for its renewal in the future. Great Britain to-day is holding back twice as many Germans as France is holding back, while the British line is much shorter than the French line. The reason is simple: The part of the line held for the Allies by France is rugged and abounds in natural defenses, so that both the German and the French in that part of the field can maintain a safe defensive with much fewer forces than the British and the Germans are obliged to use on the shorter line, which runs through almost level country.

What Lloyd George said as to England's need of man power is applicable to this country also:-"You might as well stop fighting unless you are going to do it well. If you are not going to do it with all your might, it is real murder of the gallant fellows who have stood there for three years."

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Mr. Lloyd George scoffed at the idea that Germany would accept even moderate terms. He added that he meant moderate demands of the most pacifist souls in this assembly," and declared, "Try to cash that check at the Hindenburg bank. It will be returned dishonored." What is more, the reception in Germany of the programmes of President Wilson and Lloyd George has been to regard the offers as proof of weakening by the Allies. There has been no answer at all from the civilian side of the German Government, and the answer from the mili

tary side has been such as to show that militarism in Germany is still dominant. Every suggestion that has been answered at all, Mr. Lloyd George pointed out, has been met with a flat

negative. We may well join in this country in the injunction of the English Prime Minister to his people: "Do not suffer any delusion."

THE STRENGTHEN AMERICA CAMPAIGN

The Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America has launched a striking campaign to help in the education of the people in the facts concerning the liquor problems of America. It has prepared a series of advertisements for the use of local temperance organizations or individuals desirous of helping in the work. It is the purpose of the Council to prepare enough advertisements to provide for the insertion of two each week. All these advertisements are to be run under the general title of "Strengthen America." Here is an example of the type of advertisement prepared for the Federal Council of Churches by Mr. Charles Stelzle:

Strengthen America

Liquor and the War

Food, Labor, Life—

These are the chief factors in winning the war;-and the liquor men are wasting all three!

They are wasting food

last year the waste amounted to 7,000,000,000 pounds of foodstuffs! And they have no right to starve some men by making others drunk!

They are wasting labor

about 300,000 men are engaged in the manufacture, sale and distribution of booze-in breweries, saloons and restaurants, as brewers, bartenders and waiters-at a time when every man is needed in some useful occupation to help win the war.- The labor of these 300,000 men is worse than wasted— no possible good can come of it, but much harm is done. They are wasting life

bartenders, brewery workers and waiters in saloons lose an average of six years of life on account of their occupations. If the 300,000 men who make and sell booze lose an average of six years of life, it makes a total of 1,800,000 years of life. The average man works about 30 years-so that the liquor traffic is using up the equivalent of 60,000 men in each generation. And this is too great a price for the nation to pay.

For these reasons:

first the waste of foods; second-the waste of labor; third-the waste of life;

-for these reasons we have a right to demand that the liquor business be abolished.

If you believe that the traffic in Alcohol
does more harm than good-help stop it!

Strengthen America Campaign

The campaign of the Council of Churches to get such mate rial as this before the public is one of the best possible methods of educating the Nation in the facts concerning the liquor trade. The campaign deserves the widest support and recor nition. These advertisements can be secured without expense by writing to the Strengthen America Campaign, 105 East Twenty-second Street, New York City.

THE CAILLAUX CASE

The most recent developments with regard to Joseph Caillaux have been astounding. Few persons have supposed that the American Government would have a direct connection with the case. But it has had. According to Secretary Lansing's disclosures, it appears that in 1915 the American representative at Buenos Aires, the capital of the Argentine Re public, had been able to establish the fact that M. Caillaux, dur ing his visit that year to Argentina, had been in communication

with the Berlin Foreign Office through the famous or rather infamous-Count von Luxburg, German Chargé d'Affaires, with the object of concluding peace with Germany at practically any price. Mr. Lansing gave out the text of the intercepted despatches containing the information which our State Department had furnished to the French Government, and which was doubtless responsible, among other things, for the arrest of Caillaux. The first despatch was from Count von Bernstoff, German Ambassador at Washington, containing damaging statements as to Caillaux's references to the French Government and warning German newspapers against praising him. This last was not without humor, for Caillaux, in order to make his countrymen feel that he had been patriotic despite his machinations with Germany, directed that the German newspapers should. blame instead of praise him.

Another despatch gave notice of the steamer on which Caillaux was sailing from Argentina, foreshadowing its capture by submarines because the captain of the steamer carried important papers, and asking that Caillaux be treated with every courtesy

and consideration.

Secretary Lansing also gave out the text of the instructions sent by the German censor on June 6, 1917, urgently requesting, for political reasons, that the newspapers publish nothing about Caillaux, indeed that "his name be not mentioned under any circumstances by the German press."

According to the Paris "Temps," the Bernstorff cablegrams were sent to Germany from Washington through Sweden and by the intermediary of the Swedish Legation at Washington. At all events, it is assumed that Count von Bernstorff was able to communicate with his Government through a secret channel, supposed to be Sweden, that messages were sent in the Swedish code, and that this practice continued until the British Government learned enough to enable it to prove that diplomatic immunity was being violated. It is understood that later in 1915 the Swedish Legation at Washington declined to sign any more Bernstorff messages, and that the Luxburg messages of 1917 were sent through the Swedish Legation in Buenos Aires and the Swedish Foreign Office to Berlin.

Thus we see why the Premier, M. Clemenceau, was willing to stake the fate of his Ministry on the justice of the arrest of Caillaux, who is now in jail-the first time an ex-Premier of France has ever been so treated.

THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE

For the second time the Nobel Peace Prize has been awarded to an assemblage of persons rather than to some one person. In 1904 it was awarded to the Institute of International Law. It has now been awarded to the International Red Cross Committee at Geneva.

This is also the second time that the Nobel Peace Prize has recognized the Red Cross. Its very first award (1901) went half to each-to Henri Dunant, of Geneva, the founder of the Red Cross movement, and to Frédéric Passy, of Paris, the founder of the Universal Peace Congresses.

All of the Nobel prizes were established by the late Alfred Bernhard Nobel, the inventor of dynamite. He was born in Stockholm. When he was a little boy, he went with his father to St. Petersburg, where his father established a torpedo factory. After a while Alfred returned to Sweden. As might be expected from his father's business, it was natural for the young man to begin to study explosives. He came to America, and among other things pursued the study of mechanical engineering under John Ericsson. Returning to Sweden, he devoted himself especially to the investigation of nitroglycerine. He finally discovered that when incorporated with some absorbent substance it became not only safer but more convenient to use. This invention he patented. He called it dynamite.

From its manufacture Nobel became very rich. He determined to leave his fortune in trust for the establishment of five annual prizes. He calculated that the interest on the property would make each prize worth nearly $40,000, and so it proved to be. The first three prizes he founded for excellence in those departments of science which most interested him: physics first of all, and then chemistry, and then medicine. The other prizes Were for the most remarkable work of an idealistic character in

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the field of literature, and to the person or society that during year preceding the award had rendered greatest service in the furtherance of international brotherhood.

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These prizes, Nobel decreed, were to be awarded without distinction of nationality. He put the various academies of his own country, Sweden, in charge of the first four prizes, and the Norwegian Storthing, or parliament, in charge of the fifth. The recipient was to be pledged to give, unless absolutely pre vented, during the six months following the receipt of the prizes, a public lecture on the subject of the particular work thus distinguished. It was provided that the lectures in physics, chemistry, medicine, and literature were to take place at Stockholm, the capital of Sweden, and the lecture on peace was to occur at Christiania, the capital of Norway.

The candidates must be nominated before February 1 of each year. The nominations are then considered by the Swedish Academies and the Norwegian Storthing. Awards are announced on December 10, the anniversary of Nobel's death.

Distribution of the prizes began in 1901, five years after Nobel's death. It took this length of time because certain members of the Nobel family protested the will. They went to law about it and might have won if Emanuel Nobel, the head of the family, had joined the protesting members. He would thus have become rich, but he unselfishly refused, and his refusal insured the fulfillment of Alfred Nobel's wishes.

THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS COMMITTEE

While the awards of the other four prizes in December, 1917, have not been announced, so far as we know, the "Journal de Genève" confirms the rumored award of the Peace Prize to the International Red Cross Committee. What are that Committee's functions? In 1912 the International Red Cross Conference agreed that an International Committee should undertake in any war the work of forwarding mail to prisoners. Accordingly, in this war the work was assumed by an International Committee of the Red Cross, name, the Agence Internationale des Prisonniers de Guerre. The latest report of the Swiss Post-Office reveals the immense amount of the reforwarding of mail thus accomplished. From the beginning of the war until the end of October, 1917, nearly 335,000,000 letters and postal cards and over 62,000,000 small parcels have been taken over and reforwarded to the prisoners of war of both belligerent groups held in the various countries. There were also reforwarded more than 8,200,000 money-orders. Finally, nearly 5,300,000 bread parcels were sent out.

Though the war has greatly reduced post-office revenues in Switzerland, the Swiss Post-Office permits not only the sending of mail matter and consignments to prisoners of war, but also of all correspondence addressed by prisoners and interned civilians to their relatives and friends without a centime of charge. In this and other respects Switzerland has indeed been a Good Samaritan in this war.

The organizer and President of the Agence Internationale is M. Gustave Ador. His portrait appears on another page. He may be called the first citizen of Geneva, so long and honorable has been his record in the activities of that city. He is seventythree years old. His Genevan suburb, the town of Cologny, elected him alderman when he was still in the twenties. He became Mayor of Cologny, then Deputy to the " Grand Conseil," or Great Council, of the Canton of Geneva. Last June, with practical unanimity, the Federal Assembly elected him Federal Councilor. As such he, with his six colleagues, will exercise supreme executive power. They also exercise not a little legislative influence, as they have access to the Federal Assembly's sessions, introduce legislative proposals, give their opinion on various measures, and prepare the Budget. All Switzerland feels that M. Ador, succeeding to the position held by Herr Hoffmann, the pro-German, will do much towards guiding Switzerland aright in this crisis.

It is, however, in his humanitarian rather than in his political capacity that Gustave Ador is known; so much so that letters from strangers come to the Agence addressed to "Monsieur Croix Rouge Ador" and beginning familiarly enough, from "Mon Cher Gustave" to "Gustave Adoré."

The other day M. Ador thus defined his belief: "It is

impossible, according to my conviction, that after such sacrifice, such tears, such mourning, such heroic acts, the humanity of to-morrow will not be a better humanity. Then we shall realize the truth of the beatitudes, Blessed are they who hunger and thirst after justice, and Blessed are the merciful. A peace based upon justice and law, realized in fraternal love, that is my heart's desire."

PROGRESS OF PROHIBITION

The first three States to vote on the Prohibition Amendment were Mississippi, Virginia, and Kentucky. In all three States the Amendment came through with flying colors. Kentucky is now engaged in a fight to secure State-wide pro hibition.

In New York State also the prohibition forces have not been idle. The New York Anti-Saloon League has had introduced in the Assembly an Emergency War Prohibition Bill, designed to be effective during the war with Germany and for one year thereafter to cover the period of demobilization. This bill does not repeal the present Raines Law, but suspends its licensing features, leaving all restrictive features in force. The bill prohibits for the period specified the manufacture and sale of alcohol and alcoholic liquor for beverage purposes, and the use of grain or other foodstuffs for such manufacture.

This bill is similar in form to the measure which The Outlook hopes may soon pass the National Legislature. While the New York State bill is applicable in too limited a field to satisfy the legitimate desires of those who hope for National emergency prohibition at this time, its passage by the New York Legislature would give to the advocates of National emergency prohibition, in and out of Congress, valuable encouragement.

WOMEN AS CONDUCTORS

Last autumn, in New York City, the Brooklyn Rapid Transit system began to train women for the position of car conductors, and at the end of the year the Interborough Rapid Transit Company was taking applications of women for all station positions, such as ticket choppers, station agents, and even porters, and was actually installing women in its " gondola" street cars. Women were selected who combine physical strength with presence of mind. In every case it was necessary that they should pass muscular tests in order to prove that they could manipulate obstinate windows, turn ventilation rods, and hold their own with teamsters who might possibly argue concerning the question of right of way.

others gave evidence of personal jealousy, the southern rebels saw their chance. They made a successful military demonstration against the Premier's troops, the other northerners remaining neutral for the moment. Tuan, finding himself in an untenable position, resigned.

The alleged financial transactions with Japan also did not add to the Premier's popularity. He attempted to negotiate a contract for the purchase of arms from Japan, in which contract, it was rumored, certain conditions were accepted that affected China's control of her arsenals. So far as we know, however, that contract has not yet been signed.

To crown all, Tuan had refused to recommend to the President the reconvening of the old Parliament, though he was not opposed to the election of a new Parliament. Thereupon about one-quarter of the members of the old body met in Canton and organized a sort of provisional government. Thus far, though it gained one of its chief aims in Tuan's resignation, it has ap parently done nothing of great consequence. It is true, it elected a temporary President, appointed a Cabinet, and organized an army; but it has not been able to raise much money, and without money armies cannot fight or governments operate. Meanwhile the ordinary business of the country, we learn, continues with little interruption. Politically the present outlook is also hopeful, for there is a disposition on both sides to compromise. We hope that this will result in a reconciliation of north and south.

The new subway just opened in the metropolis is also employing women conductors, who seem to have had so far considerable success not only as efficient transportation servants but in managing crowds of passengers with tact and good humor. It now develops that the employment of women for heavier sorts of transportation work than the above is being undertaken. It was announced the other day that the New York Central system was employing a hundred women as section workers, and that hundreds of women are already in railway machine shops doing tasks which only men have been supposed to be able to handle. In these shops women are employed as operators of lathes, drills, presses and other complicated machine tools. In some shops women paint all parts of locomotives. Women are also employed in journal-box work and in cleaning the yards and shops.

Among the railways which have introduced women into their mechanical departments are the Baltimore and Ohio, Erie, New York Central, the Minneapolis, St. Paul, and Sault Ste. Marie, the Burlington, Northern Pacific, Oregon Short Line, and the Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul. On most of these roads the employment of women is no longer an experiment.

CHINESE CHANGES

The recent Cabinet change in China was the result of dissension among the northern military parties. Tuan Chi-jui, the late powerful Prime Minister, is said to be a fairly conscientious man, but obsessed by ambition and the love of military display. He headed one of the military parties. When the leaders of the

A FINE AMERICAN SEAMAN

Not long ago The Outlook printed a portrait of Captain William Hardy, a member of Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan, who lately, at the age of eighty-five, visited that country for the first time since he left the island Empire with the "Black Ships" of Commodore Perry sixty-odd years ago. With the picture we printed an account of the reception given Captain Hardy as told by the cable despatches. Now an account of the reception to Captain Hardy in Tokyo reaches us from Mr. Gregory Mason, The Outlook's Staff Correspondent in Japan. It is so interesting that we make no apology for the lateness of its appearance:

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'Captain Hardy was a common seaman with Perry. He won the title which he goes by to-day later when he commanded his own ship in the merchant service. Japanese school-children were notably enthusiastic about Captain Hardy's visit. They had read in their histories of the visit of Perry's black ships and the resultant change that came over their country, and they welcomed the idea of gaining an opportunity to see the last survivor of Perry's expedition.

"With the many officials and prominent Japanese who greeted the old American tar at Yokohama was Mr. Sanzayemon Okada, eighty-three years old, the only surviving member of the representatives of the Shogun Government who met Perry on his landing in 1853. He and Captain Hardy could not speak each other's language, but they fell into each other's arms in an embrace more eloquent than any spoken greeting. The health of many a younger man would have given way before the unintermitting round of receptions, speeches, dinners, and patriotic rallies. The supreme honor was given when, on November 20, Captain Hardy went to the Imperial chrysanthe mum garden party arm in arm with the American Ambassador and met the Emperor of Japan. As his Majesty passed through the throng of onlookers, carefully kept off the Imperial path. the Emperor stepped over to the American Embassy group and shook hands with the American mariner, saying in English, l am glad to meet you.'

"Captain Hardy planted an Oregon pine at the foot of the monument erected near the spot where Perry landed on the shore at Kurihama sixty-four years ago. Captain Hardy remem bers his former trip to Japan more clearly than he remembers much that happened to him at a later period in his active life. He even remembers some of the words used to him by a Japan ese woman who entertained him and eleven other sailors from Perry's ships at her house with tea, rice, and cakes. When the young sailor started to leave the house Captain Hardy remer bers that she said, Sukoshi mate,' which means, Wait a little. The American seaman has had a busy life. A fter serving

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with Perry he continued in the Navy for some time, and during the Civil War saw active service. In the assault against the Confederate forts guarding the Mississippi he was wounded in the head by grape-shot. In the attack on Fort Fisher he was wounded so severely in the right side that since then, as he says, he has been forced to wear five false ribs to starboard.'

"In 1885 Hardy was retired from the Navy by the age limit. He settled on a farm near Portland, Oregon, where he has lived most of his life since then. He left it for a short time to take part in the rush of gold-seekers to Alaska. He is remarkably vigorous for his age. He reads and writes without glasses, and, as he says, he has even fought in the present war, for when a member of the I. W. W. insulted his uniform a few months ago in Portland Captain Hardy knocked him down, and thereby broke a bone in his left hand. He is very proud of this 'wound.'

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Captain Hardy has been wearing the uniform of a common sailor in the American Navy to all functions in Japan. Prior to going to meet the Emperor with the American Ambassador on the day of the Imperial garden party Captain Hardy appeared at the Embassy in his uniform. Now there is a hard and fast rule that guests must wear frock coats and silk hats at the Imperial garden party, except officers, who wear their uniforms. But it was believed that the uniform of an ordinary sailor would hardly pass the captious sartorial censor, so a frock coat and a silk hat were procured for the old salt to wear. He was a sight for the gods with his bell-mouthed seaman's trousers showing below the frock coat! After he had met the Emperor Captain Hardy received the congratulations of his fellow-Americans. In talking to one of these, an American clergyman of long residence in Japan, he was heard to say:

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Say, Bishop, it's the first time in my life I ever had on a frock coat. But, I can tell you, I'm a damn sight prouder of this,' and he threw back the coat and patted the blue jacket of the American Navy underneath."

Captain Hardy has been frequently spoken of as the only surviving member of the Perry expedition. In our By the Way department this week, however, will be found notes mentioning three other survivors of the expedition.

W

A TURNING-POINT

ITH the issuance of the Garfield Fuel Order that was published on January 17 and went into effect the next day, the Nation entered a new stage in the waging of this war.

That order was designed to conserve fuel and relieve the congestion on the railways.

What that order has actually done is to bring about a great change in the relation of the American people to their President. For the first nine months after the American declaration of war against Germany the American people gave unqualified support to the Administration. There has been nothing like it in the history of this or, so far as we can remember, of any other country. The Administration asked for a draft law, and the Nation at once not only conscripted its youth, but by volunteers aided the Government in enforcing conscription. The Administration asked for loans, and the people out of patriotism did what they would never have dreamed of doing for profit-lent their Government hundreds of millions more than they had been asked to lend. The Administration told the people that they were to be heavily taxed, and, though there has been criticism that the burdens have been distributed inequitably, there has been no complaint that the burdens are heavy. By the hundreds of thousands men have gone to camp, and there have developed an enthusiasm and spirit of loyalty that have justified the faith of the country in them. Coming into this war deliberately, purposely, knowingly unprepared, the Administration has done some things magnificently, some things blunderingly, and the people have approved. It was the people that drove the Administration into war; it is the people that have given the Administration this unwavering, uncritical support. The newspapers have restrained themselves from telling of faults they knew of. Men in Congress have refrained from partisan debate and have worked together. To every

suggestion of criticism or of question the answer has come from all quarters, "Stand by the President." Never in the history of this country has any President had any such support as that given to Woodrow Wilson. And now has come the order of Fuel Administrator Garfield, and the whole aspect of the Nation is changed.

No sooner was that Fuel Order issued than there was an outburst of protests.

Those protests did not threaten any resistance to the order. On the contrary, the fine bearing of the American people in this war has never been exemplified more splendidly than in the prompt effort of all and sundry to comply with this unwelcome order. They obeyed, but protested.

Those protests did not indicate mere desire to avoid hardships. On the contrary, the cheerfulness with which the people have accepted the discomforts and in many cases severe privations consequent in that order has been amazing. The idleness it entailed brought no disorder. The people of America have good-naturedly endured this discomfort, but they have protested. Why?

A vessel at sea is in imminent danger of destruction. The captain orders all hands to the lifeboats. Every one obeys. No one argues whether the danger is imminent or not. The captain is supposed to know. No one complains of the hardships of life in an open boat at sea. That hardship is better than going down with the wreck. There is nothing to do but to obey. But the captain of the vessel will be called to account. Has he been steering a course that inevitably tends to wreck? Why did he let his vessel get into such danger? The people who own that ship will not be particularly interested in the man who ordered all hands to the lifeboats; they will be very much interested in the man who allowed the ship to drift into such danger that lifeboats offered the only way to escape from the wreck.

An army is threatened with destruction by the enemy. The general in command orders a strategic retreat. Artillery is abandoned, bridges are destroyed. The fertile countryside that might furnish support to the enemy is laid waste. Strongholds that cost colossal labor and numerous lives are left to fall into the enemy's hands. The army withdraws; it is saved. The soldiers, of course, obey. They prefer the hardship of retreat to defeat by the enemy. They do not know, as the general knows, the signs that showed the danger. But they and the people at home will demand to be told who is responsible, not for the order to retreat, but for the blundering that brought the army into such a dangerous position that only a costly strategic withdrawal could save it from total defeat.

The Garfield Fuel Order was a call of all hands to the life boats. All obeyed. But all have a right to be told who the incompetent was that let the ship drift on the rocks.

The Garfield Fuel Order was a command to retreat before the face of the enemy. All obeyed. But all have a right to be told who the incompetent was that let the army become exposed to the danger of destruction.

For nine months the American people have been told by the Administration that everything was going well. For nine months they have believed it. And now, by order of that Administration, industry was paralyzed for five consecutive days and will be for nine successive Mondays in order that the Nation may escape a threatened worse catastrophe.

Suppose American aviators by a sudden assault on the Ger man railways and factories had succeeded in stopping the main industries of Germany for fourteen days, should we ever tire of telling one another of the exploit? It would have been a great victory for us, a great defeat for Germany. Now that it is our factories that are closed should we deny the defeat? Though the injury was not inflicted directly by Germany, is it the less an injury?

It is asserted by the President that the order was necessary. There is only one justification for the infliction of such an injury on one's own country, and that is the avoidance of a severer, a more ruinous, defeat.

No wonder there has been a protest. No wonder that the cry has gone up from all over the afflicted parts of the Nation. Why have we been told that all was well when we were on the way to wreck? Why have we been told that our lines were strong when we were facing such calamity? Who has been

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