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THE OUTLOOK IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE OUTLOOK COMPANY,
381 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK. LAWRENCE F. ABBOTT,
PRESIDENT. N. T. PULSIFER, VICE-PRESIDENT. FRANK C. HOYT,
TREASURER. ERNEST H. ABBOTT, SECRETARY. TRAVERS D.
CARMAN, ADVERTISING MANAGER. YEARLY SUBSCRIPTIONS-
FIFTY-TWO ISSUES-FOUR DOLLARS IN ADVANCE. ENTERED
AS SECOND-CLASS MATTER AT THE NEW YORK POST-OFFICE

Coats, for Utility and Sport wear, $25.00 to 57.50.
Suits, of Novelty Cotton Weaves and Linen, $16.75 to 35.00.
Daytime Dresses, of Taffeta and Foulard, $23.75 to 39.50.
Afternoon Gowns, of Georgette Crepe in street shades, $39.50.
Country Frocks, of Voile, Gingham and Linen, $8.75 to 23.50.
Separate Skirts, of Novelty Cottons and Linens, $5.75 to 14.75.
Buster Brown Sport Blouses, of colored Striped Voile, $2.95.
Blouses of Georgette Crepe, Crepe de Chine and Tub Silks,
$5.75.

Hand-made Blouses, in two distinctive models, $8.75.

Orders by mail given special attention.

James McCutcheon & Co.
Fifth Avenue, 34th & 33d Streets, N. Y.

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THE FIRST BOOK ABOUT THE BOYS
IN CAMP FOR THE FOLKS AT HOME
Secretary of War Newton D. Baker says:

"When the war is over and the men and women of America have had an opportunity to obtain a perspective on its conduct and results, there will be an adequate appreciation of Dr. Odell's statement, I would rather intrust the moral character of my boy to the camp than to any college or university I know. . . . Educational institutions never possessed the absolute power that is now held by the War Department.'

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Do These Subjects
Interest You?

1. The War Finance Corporation
2. Export Trade Problems and An
American Foreign Trade Policy
3. The War's Effects on English
Trade Unions

4. The Farm Loan Situation
5. Foreign Exchange Regulations
6. The Economic Function of the
Common Law

These are some of the articles in the
February Number of

The Journal of Political
Economy

Single Copies, 35 cents;
$3.00 a year (10 Nos.)
Address

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

5753 Ellis Avenue, Chicago, Illinois

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The "Pershing Parallel"

-and how it hits home to You

General Pershing knew military fundamentals. That's why he was chosen to lead our expeditionary forces in France.

But with all his Army experience, Pershing realized the need for a mastery of the more recent developments of warfare.

From the moment of his arrival in Europe he has been in almost constant consultation with the great generals-Joffre, Castelnau, Foch, Haig, Petain.

From these conferences he has gained a firmer grasp of the fundamentals of war. He has learned thru them the right course to pursue the mistakes to avoid.

General Pershing was a great soldier when he left our shores. Today he is a greater soldier. By absorbing the first-hand experiences of others he has multiplied many times his fund of military knowledge.

The need for training The wisdom of Pershing's course points a strong object lesson in business.

To be a great business man requires much the same qualities as to be a great general, and there is no doubt that thoro scientific training will prove as advantageous to them as to military men.

You men whose ambition prompts you to grow to bigger jobs-to greater responsibilities, will you attempt to grow along the narrow confines of your own experience?

Will you adopt hit-or-miss methods of gathering business information thru mere contact with your own business and with those who directly or indirectly may be in touch with you in your business?

Or will you parallel the course Pershing followed?

Will you consult the great business generals and obtain a sound, solid, business training by a mastery of the fundamentals which underlie all business?

A short-cut to business
knowledge

The Modern Business Course and Service of the Alexander Hamilton Institute presents organized business in a systematic, timesaving form.

It embraces a thoro, comprehensive presentation of business fundamentals. It is intensely practical.

Men in every walk of business life have enrolled for the Modern Business Course and Service. From the heads of big business down to the juniors whose ambitions are to be the heads later in life, the Course is used as a preparation to bigger achievements.

Today the demand for trained executives is increasing. In every branch of business, men are being called upon to assume bigger responsibilities. The business barometer points to even greater demand in the future. The man who is prepared with a sound business training is not only able to respond and make good when opportunity presents itself, but has the power within him to create opportunity.

The kind of men enrolled Presidents of big corporations are often enrolled for this Course and Service along with ambitious young men in their employ. Among the 70,000 subscribers are such

men as A. T. Hardin, Vice-President of the New York Central Lines; E. R. Behrend, President of the Hammermill Paper Co.; N. A. Hawkins, Manager of Sales, Ford Motor Co.; William C. D'Arcy, President! of the Associated Advertising Clubs of the World; Melville W. Mix, President of the Dodge Mfg. Co., and scores of others equally prominent.

In the Standard Oil Company, 291 men are enrolled in the Alexander Hamilton Institute; in the U. S. Steel Corporation 450; in the National Cash Register Co. 194; in the Pennsylvania Railroad 122; in the General Electric Co. 399-and so on down the list of the biggest concerns in America.

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On account of the war and the consequent delays in the mails, both in New York City and on the railways, this copy of
The Outlook may reach the subscriber late. The publishers are doing everything in their power to facilitate deliveries

RUSSIA ACCEPTS GERMANY'S HARD

PEACE CONDITIONS

News of the actual renewal of war on Russia's western front was officially sent out from Berlin on February 18. It stated that German forces had crossed the river Dvina without fighting, and were advancing on the important military post of Dvinsk. The next day German forces entered Dvinsk and Lutsk-the latter in Volhynia. No fighting appears to have taken place

anywhere.

Then followed the momentous news that the Bolshevik Gov. ernment had stated officially that it would sign peace on the terms insisted upon by Germany at the Brest-Litovsk Council, including the retention of Russia's western provinces by Ger

many.

Vienna statements say that Trotsky had first asked Count Czernin, Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary, whether Austria, like Germany, considered itself still at war with Russia.

It is beyond question that Germany or Austria will send troops into the Ukraine to support that faction of the Ukrainians which lately entered into a formal treaty of peace with Germany. Germany needs Ukrainian wheat and iron ore. To-day the Ukraine is a vast country divided against itself. The new western frontier laid down in the treaty was coolly drawn by Germany so as to include the province of Cholm, which has never belonged to the Ukraine, but is part of Russian Poland. Natarally there has been an outcry among the Poles in Warsaw, which is not more than one hundred and fifty miles northeast of Cholm. There have even been demonstrations in Warsaw, despite the iron rule of the Germans in the Polish capital.

loss.

In the Ukraine itself, say long-delayed despatches received here on February 19, sanguinary fighting has taken place in the streets of the great city of Kiev. This battle-for if the despatch is correct in saying that 4,000 people were killed and 1,000 wounded it was a real battle took place on February 5; it ended, the despatches say, in the complete victory of the Red Guard of the Bolsheviki, who drove the Ukrainian "reactionaries" (that is, supporters of the movement for independence and of the peace treaty with Germany) out of Kiev with heavy Still other war news from Russia came simultaneously with the reports just cited. Finland is torn between desire for independence on the part of the Finnish people and fierce propaganda by the Bolsheviki. The Russian war-ships, now under control of the sailors, have always been nests of anarchy. Their men, landed in Finland, have slaughtered many of the anti-Bolshevik faction. The situation in Finland is not unlike that in the Ukraine. On the other hand, a war danger to the Bolsheviki is seen in the report that General Alexeieff, formerly Chief of the Russian General Staff, is leading a strong Cossack army east of the Ukraine against the Red Guard. It is not improbable that this indicates a military reaction in Russia which may lead to the fall of the Lenine-Trotsky faction.

Thus Russia enters on a new phase of internal strife, of civil war, and of partial occupation by German armies.

THE SITUATION IN ENGLAND

At the bottom of the recent opposition to Mr. Lloyd George lies the lack of recognition of two principles: union in action and concentration of effort. The English Prime Minister triumphantly emerged from one attack on February

13, and as we write, on February 19, is about to meet the second.

As to the first, an attempt was made to show that the Supreme Inter-Allied War Council at Versailles had usurped political power in declaring that the Allies should bend their energies to military rather than to political war energy. Mr. Lloyd George promptly met the attack by one of his masterly speeches, in which he again said that there is no use in crying peace when there is no peace; that Germany's discussions with Russia show that Germany had no slightest intention to offer peace; that England would not recede from the war aims already stated; and that there was no dissent in the conclusions of the Council at Versailles. He ended by offering to present his own resignation if the House or country was dissatisfied. A resolution, which was in effect one of lack of confidence, was defeated by the overwhelming vote of 159 to 28. Practically the House was, with the exception of a few semi-pacifists, perfectly satisfied. The other question which has disturbed England is that which has led to the resignation-or, as he is said to regard it, to the dismissal of General Sir William Robertson, the Chief of the British Imperial General Staff. An official statement says that the replacing of General Robertson by General Henry Wilson came because of the former's unwillingness to accept limitation of the powers he has heretofore exercised or to accept an appointment as British military representative on the Supreme Inter-Allied War Council.

The London "Spectator" of January 26 devotes a long article to the defense of General Robertson and of General Haig against what it calls "a furious and concerted attack." At the time that article was written it was believed that the attack was over, and the "Spectator" does not hesitate to describe it as a press campaign, and even to use such words as "atrocious and disgusting." It considers the attack largely as emanating from Lord Northcliffe's newspapers, and to have as its basis various carping criticisms on the detailed conduct of the war and the failure to obtain decisive results.

But other indications from England are that the real point at issue is General Robertson's unwillingness, in the opinion of the Prime Minister, to submit to that unity of control and action as between the English army and its allies the need of which Mr. Lloyd George believes to overshadow everything else. It is hinted also that, just as there was a critical difference of opinion two years ago between Hindenburg and Falkenhayn as to whether Germany's supreme effort should be made on the eastern or the western front, so now there is a difference of opinion between the British Chief of Staff and the British War Cabinet as to whether or not all England's effort this year should be centered on the western front, and the effort on the other fronts at least lessened. Questions like these are so delicate and so important that they cannot be discussed publicly in detail.

PEACE AFTER VICTORY

If ever there was a plain, blunt declaration of fixed purpose and intention, it was in these words, uttered the other day by the Kaiser after his usual professions of piety and divine partnership: "We desire to live in friendship with neighboring people, but the victory of German arms must first be recognized.

Conversely, we Allies, to escape German domination, must bend every effort to victory. Discussion of possible future peace terms and hopes of defection in the ranks of the Central Powers

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are permissible only when they do not lead us to relax a single nerve or muscle in our military effort and determination.

Nor do we for a moment doubt the victory of our righteous cause. Lately there has been one of those waves of pessimism which come and go in all hard-fought wars. It started, no doubt, in depression over the removal of Russia as a factor in the war. Quite erroneous conclusions were drawn from the belief that Germany might move forces from the Russian line to the western front. That she can do so, and that she has done so, is admittedly true. But that this means a disastrous offensive against the British and French is the reverse of probable. Pessimism on this score has appeared more commonly in the talk of those who read only big headlines in sensational papers than in the writing of military students and close observers. Thus the well-known military writer Mr. Frank Simonds, after a full analysis of the situation, says: "When this enemy had everything in his favor, he failed at the Marne; when he had ninety chances out of a hundred at Ypres and the Yser, he failed; when he had at least a three-to-one chance at Verdun, he failed. In his next attack he will not have more than an even chance, if he has that, and all the odds of past performances in the west are against him." And in a striking article in the March "Century" Dr. H. A. Gibbons, the wellknown author of "The New Map of Europe," says: "The odds against Germany and Austria-Hungary, from the purely military point of view, are too great to secure their final triumph on the field of battle."

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the following cable message received at the War Department at Washington:

The great mistake made by those who fear the accession of German strength on the western front is that they do not realize the defensive power of the three great Allies-France, England, and America-on that front. An English military writer who is a severe critic of his own Government estimates that Great Britain alone will put 630,000 new men on the new front this year, and urges that this number should be doubled, as he believes it well could be. Great Britain's military strength on the western front, apart from such accessions, is tremendous both in quantity and quality. It has grown steadily from the "contemptible little army" to the finest fighting force the world has ever seen with the single exception of the German army, but against that German army and side by side with the British stands the army of France. It has been the fashion among pessimists to shake their heads and speak of France as "bled white." That phrase was first used of France in 1916, and it has become almost a grim joke when one remembers what France has done since then. The army that fought the Battle of the Marne, that held fast at Verdun in 1916, and that in 1917 drove the Germans out of the Verdun sector will not let the enemy through in 1918. And it is not boastful for Americans to believe that their divisions to be in active service this summer will go far to balance the German

accessions.

It is to be remembered also that, at the worst, and assuming that the Allies do not actually advance their lines on the western front or repeat the successful though not decisive gains of 1917, they have only to stand on the defensive in 1918, and then in the next year to renew the fight with really considerable reinforcements from America. It is well to be prepared for possible temporary reverses; but it is a waste of time to listen to idle gossip about anything worse. We do not fear for the future of the armies which captured Vimy Ridge, Messines Ridge, and Passchendaele, which drove the Turks from Bagdad and from Jerusalem, and which left the long western front not only unbroken by Germany's attack in 1917, but showing positive backward bends of the German lines.

Overconfidence is always folly; but by united effort, and almost without regard to what will happen elsewhere, the Allies will assuredly erect and defend a wall of men and guns along the trenches in France and Belgium that will make our line safe for this year and will at its end make still more evident the fact that it is on the western front that the war will ultimately be won-and won for the cause of liberty and democracy.

CHAPLAINS FOR OUR FIGHTING FORCES

To the Adjutant General, Washington.
For the Secretary of War:

1. In the fulfillment of its duty to the Nation much is expected of our Army, and nothing should be left undone that will help in keeping it in the highest state of efficiency. I believe the personnel of the Army has never been equaled and the conduct has been excellent, but to overcome entirely the conditions found here requires fortitude born of great courage and lofty spiritual ideas. Counting myself responsible for the welfare of our men in every respect, it is my desire to surround them with the best influence possible. In the fulfillment of this solemn trust it seems wise to request the aid of the churches at home.

2. To this end it is recommended that the number of chap lains in the Army be increased for the war to an average of three per regiment, with assimilated rank of major and captain in due proportion, and that a number be assigned in order to be available for such detached duty as may be required. Men selected should be of the highest character, with reputations well established as sensible, practical, active ministers or workers accustomed to dealing with young men. They should be in vigorous health, as their services will be needed under most trying circumstances. Appointees should, of course, be subject to discharges for inefficiency like other officers of the National Army.

It is my purpose to give the chaplain corps through these forces a definite and responsible status, and to outline, direct, and enlarge their work into co-operative and useful aid to the troops. (Signed) PERSHING.

This cable message should serve three very useful purposes. In the first place, it should give to the ordinary American a truer idea than that to which he has been accustomed concerning the esteem in which the fighter holds the military value of the work of the chaplain.

If there is any question in the mind of any one as to whether a chaplain is a useful officer in an army, it ought to be settled by

In the second place, it should convince Congress of the neces sity of passing some such bill as is now before Congress provid ing for one chaplain for every twelve hundred men.

In the third place, it should make every minister in the country, and particularly every minister whose experience records success in spiritually dealing with men, consider whether he is not himself eligible and fit to volunteer.

It is to be emphasized that the office of chaplain calls for men of the highest qualifications.

WAR AND TRADE

President Wilson has now placed all exports to all coun tries under license by the War Trade Board. His proclamations also apply the license system to all imports. Thus the entire foreign commerce of the country is now placed under the license system of the War Trade Board. It is a step to reduce ocean carriage of non-essentials, so as to release ships for the transportation of troops and supplies.

This is not an embargo. Restrictions are to be imposed only when essential to accomplish "definite and necessary objects." As the War Trade Board's explanatory statement says, this measure is "forced upon us by the critical tonnage situation and the necessity of availing ourselves of every possible means of maintaining our armies in France."

Moreover, the limitation of exports is further essential to conserve the products of our soil and industry "for the use of our own people and the peoples of the nations associated with us in the war."

The proclamation is worth several Presidential or PrimeMinister definitions of peace after war. It speaks louder than mere words. Our enemies, we believe, will fully appreciate the determination which lies behind the fact of any trade renuncia. tion necessary to win the war.

BOLO AND BOLOISM

Paul Bolo has been adjudged guilty of treason and condemned to death. A Paris court martial has been trying him on charges that he had conducted a widespread German propa ganda. At the conclusion of the evidence the Court took only fifteen minutes for deliberation. Bolo has appealed from the

verdict to the Court of Cassation.

Filippo Cavalini, former member of the Italian Chamber of

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