repair; road building and repair; construction of rear-line fortifications, auxiliary defenses, etc.; construction of docks, wharves, storehouses, and of such cantonments as may be built by the Corps of Engineers; topographical work, camouflage, map reproduction, supply depot service, repair service, hydraulic service, and forestry service. It will be interesting to note the attitude of the other men in these three services towards the "conscientious objectors." It may very well be that members of the Medical Corps who have always been ready to work at the actual front and who have many times during this war been under fire, and have even been bombarded in their hospitals, may privately object to being classified as non-combatants. General Leonard Wood, one of the greatest of living, fighting American officers, came from the Medical Corps, and did his earliest fighting on our Western frontier as an army surgeon. In 1898, in a letter to Governor Roger Wolcott, of Massachusetts, Major-General Lawton spoke thus of General Wood's Indian campaign of 1886: "When, through exposure and fatigue, the infantry bat talion lost its last officer, Captain Wood volunteered to command it, in addition to his duties as a surgeon.... I served through the War of the Rebellion and in many battles, but in no instance do I remember such devotion to duty or such an example of courage and perseverance. It was mainly due to Captain Wood's loyalty and resolution that the expedition was successful." Score at least one for the non-combatant Medical Corps! RAISE THE RANK OF MEDICAL OFFICERS As Representative Dyer asserted the other day, of late years Congress has not been giving the necessary consideration to the Surgeon-General's office. Mr. Dyer was speaking concerning the bill in the House of Representatives which he had introduced, the same bill having been introduced by Senator Owen, of Oklahoma, in the Senate, to raise the rank of officers of the Medical Reserve Corps. According to the present law, ranks for officers in the Medical Reserve Corps are lieutenant, captain, and major. The pending legislation provides for ranks in addition of lieutenant-colonel, colonel, brigadiergeneral, and major-general. Such a law should be passed. It would give to our medical men working abroad not only a parity of rank with other medical men working there, but it would give them a position of much-needed authority. Recommendation given by a medical officer to a line officer of superior rank has not hitherto carried the necessary weight, and this experience is responsible for the demand for advanced rank. As Surgeon-General Gorgas recently said, as quoted by the New York Times:" 66 Line officers have had no hesitation in ignoring the sanitary recommendations of medical officers of lower rank. The men of the Medical Corps should get higher rank, rank commensurate with the importance of the positions they hold. Some of them are administering great hospitals, yet they hold subordinate rank. The same paper quotes the following from Dr. Simon Baruch : Dr. C., a professor of gynecology (therefore expert in abdominal surgery) in one of our great medical schools, has been one of the original founders of the Medical Reserve Corps, rivaling in prevision of present medical actualities the wonderful prevision of Leonard Wood of present military actualities. He served in the humble capacity of lieutenant in the Medical Reserve Corps for many years, was actively on duty in the camp of reunited veterans at Gettysburg in 1913, has worked with might and main to make the Medical Reserve Corps a veritable military force, served in its enlargement required by the expansion of our military force, and is now in active service in Europe with the rank of major. He has recently been superseded in authority by a former student of his who, having entered the Regular Army, has now attained a rank superior to Dr. C. The number in the regular Medical Corps now on active duty is 775, and volunteer physicians in the Medical Officers' Reserve Corps to the number of 12,855 are also on active duty. The well-known surgeon Dr. William J. Mayo, speaking of the great sacrifices financially and professionally which members of the Medical Reserve Corps have made, says that the only condition the men ask is that during the time they are in service they shall have working conditions which justify the sacrifices. With or without the increased rank, as Dr. Mayo adds, the A STATE POLICE We publish this week the last of the series of three stories of the Pennsylvania State Police by Miss Katherine Mayo. In early issues of The Outlook we shall publish two more stories from her pen. The first, entitled "The Murder of Sam Howell,” is a narrative of the brutal crime which led Miss Mayo and her friend, Miss Newell, to make a study of the State Police System in Pennsylvania and to start a movement in the State of New York for the establishment of a similar State police force. In a subsequent paper on "The New York State Troopers" Miss Mayo will tell something of the spirit and achievements of the new and fine body of men who are now protecting the rural districts of the Empire State under the command of their Su perintendent, Major Chandler. Governor Whitman signed the enactment creating the Department of State Police on April 1, 1917, and on the 2d of May he commissioned Major Chandler as the head of the new organization. It took some months to enlist and train the force. But it has now been in active service for seven months, and its record is already remarkable. Miss Mayo's paper gives a vivid account of the human side of this record. There will be published in May by the Houghton Mifflin Company, of Boston, a new book by Miss Mayo entitled "The Standard Bearers." It is a collection of stories of the Pennsylvania State Troopers, and will include those which Miss Mayo has contributed to The Outlook, the "Atlantic Monthly," and the "Saturday Evening Post." These stories are not only narratives of thrilling adventure, but records of chivalrous courage which prove that the old-time spirit of knighthood has not died out of the modern utilitarian world. We fancy that good old Sir Walter Scott would, if he could come back to earth, read these stories with the same zest for virile and courteous bravery which he put into the creation of "Quentin Durward" and "The Talisman." The general system of a State police, with modifications suitable to each particular State, is applicable to every State in the Union, as we believe those who have read Miss Mayo's stories and her book "Justice to All" will agree. Now that New York has followed Pennsylvania's example, we hope to see many other States fall into line. THE PAINTER'S PAINTER Men call Spenser the poet's poet. So in some sense the late Albert Pinkham Ryder was the painter's painter. Ryder had few of the striking characteristics of artists whose names and works one most often sees. His name was practically unknown. Since his death, a year ago, it has become better known, and the memorial exhibition of his canvases at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, now in progress, will make it well known. Ryder was a poor man. He lived in a hall bedroom in a humble dwelling in the lower part of New York City. He worked in this room, and it was on the south side of the building at that! As is well known, a north light is generally con sidered essential for a painter's studio. His was a lonely life. But he walked abroad at night, and, in the midst of the metropolis, learned to know the mystic meaning of the surren der of the dark to that light which is the promise of day. We see this in his "Noli Me Tangere." It was this comprehension of the mystical and the magical which made him the painter's painter for many painters who have high technical qualifications lack the quality we see in Ryder's "The Temple of the Mind," for instance. with In short, Ryder's canvases give something beyond the ordinary sensation; they awaken hidden poetry. It is the mission of such works as Mr. Daingerfield in the March "Scribner's says-"to keep alive the finer attributes, to cause men to see other than bodily eyes and to find calm in the presence of pur beauty." Mr. Daingerfield, himself an accomplished painter. whose article in Scribner's is a model for critics in th it combines human interest with technical authority, believes that for the art lover who owns a fine canvas by Ryder “each day some new emotion arises, some new beauty is revealed, and it is forever unfathomable in the qualities of tone, of harmony, and of color." Ryder himself drew a distinction between the artist and the painter, once saying of a distinguished painter who had just died, "Yes, he painted well, but he was not an artist." Applying this standard to Ryder, Mr. Daingerfield passes this judgment upon him: No more artistic personality has appeared in our art. If we assume that he was a greater artist than painter, we shall be near the truth. . . . I mean to say, the perfectness of emotional expression is far superior to that brilliancy of technic which is the token of the painter. WHAT A GERMAN PRINCE THINKS OF Prince Chlodwig zu Hohenlohe succeeded Caprivi as Imperial German Chancellor, and was in turn succeeded by Bülow, Bethmann Hollweg, Michaelis, and the present Chancellor, who, like Hohenlohe, is also a Bavarian. It is natural that the son of a liberal father should himself be a liberal, and Prince Alexander zu Hohenlohe is not only a liberal but, in these times, may be counted a radical. His opinions on any subject are worth while, both because of his own independence of character and because of the atmosphere he has breathed in the paternal home an atmosphere not only liberal but authoritative, for his ancestors have held positions of power in the governments of the German states for centuries. Last July The Outlook had occasion to comment upon Prince Alexander's remarkable articles on the state of German public opinion. In the latest number of the "Neue Zürcher Zeitung" to reach us we find a no less remarkable article by him, and we translate from the original text in the Zurich paper. The article is about President Wilson's address of January 8, 1918. The reception of the address in Germany was what might have been expected. "The Pan-Germans in their blind war-andannexation fanaticism" regarded President Wilson's utterance "as hypocrisy and arrogance," says the Prince, and adds: "Yet that they should display such anger is surprising, for it shows how uncomfortable the address makes them and how they fear that this message from the United States, when once the German nation knows about its details, will so impress it as to lead to a change in its mood." On this account "the Pan-Germans are shrieking as loudly as possible so that they may overcome the President's voice," asserts Prince Alexander. Nevertheless, at the risk of becoming the target of PanGerman attacks, any one who can give an impartial judgment must admit, he declares, that the Fourteen Points in the Wilson peace message, even if not entirely acceptable, are a possible basis for the beginning of negotiations. "When one reads the angry newspaper articles from Berlin and Budapest," he continues, "which see in the address nothing but arrogance, imperialism, and the will to humiliate the Central Powers and to hinder their development, one almost believes that the authors of these articles have not even taken the trouble to examine the separate theses of Mr. Wilson's address closely." To discuss each of these fourteen theses or points of this message to Congress would take too much space, says this critic. Prince Alexander confines himself to the theses which, in his view, present the greatest difficulties. Above all others is the statement concerning Alsace-Lorraine. Yet, affirms the author, " even a German may acknowledge that the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine has remained a thorn in the heart of the French, causing a wound which fifty years has not been able to heal; that it has remained a constant danger to the relations between Germany and France, and consequently to a world peace." Bismarck himself recognized that he had made a blunder. From President Wilson's words the Prince concludes that a possible solution of the difficulty would be through a farreaching autonomy or through a referendum. As to a new Italian border the Prince contents himself with saying that this does not seem to be a conditio sine qua non. unsurmountable. But when he comes to the Polish thesis Prince Alexander balks, declaring it "entirely unacceptable to the German Government, no matter what kind of a German Government there may be, for the reason that Posen [the capital of German Poland] lies at the gate of Berlin." But it is also regrettable, as the Prince adds, that the Polish problem cannot be solved in an ideal manner from a purely Polish national point of view. As to a league of nations, the Prince declares that all states must ultimately take part in it, to find in it guaranty against a return of such a catastrophe as the present war. In closing, Prince Alexander pays his respects to the German obsession concerning America and Japan. "The Germans must free themselves from their fixed ideas that in this war America thinks only of her material interests and that the President declared war so that, taking advantage of the occa sion, he might build up a great army with reference to a future war with Japan." "The truth is," declares Prince Alexander, as hotly as could an American, "that President Wilson, when he declared war on Germany, acted under the pressure of the vast majority of his people, and that every American who goes to war as well as every one who accompanies the soldiers to the ships which are to take them to Europe is firmly convinced that they are setting forth for the salvation of the imperiled freedom and justice of the world." Of course Prince Alexander's suggestion of a referendum of the Alsace-Lorraine question, which we discuss more fully elsewhere in this issue, is absolutely unacceptable to France, and ought to be unacceptable, for several sound reasons, to all the Allies, including America. It is, moreover, not very satisfactory to have the President's proposed "arrangements and covenants treated as mere 66 feelers." Nevertheless such a statement from a German is a sufficient rarity to be suggestive, although in the face of the mighty combat on the western front all academic questions of peace negotiations pale into insignificance for the time being. ATHLETICS AND THE WAR The report in the American casualty list from France that a well-known American track athlete has been severely wounded calls attention to the athletes from England and America who have taken part in the war. From England, of course, the devotees of cricket are notable. The Rev. Hervey Staunton, Chaplain to the Forces, whose death in service has just been announced, was a famous cricketer, and another was Captain Thurber, who as early as the age of seventeen represented Norfolk in the Minor Counties Championship. He kept the wicket for his side so successfully that he was invariably chosen to open the innings. In boxing, Oxford has lost her champion boxer, Lieutenant Charles Ward, the son of Herbert Ward, the sculptor, and also another champion lightweight boxer during his student days, Major Robert Gregory. In football a notable loss is that of Lieutenant Wookey, the airman who dropped leaflets containing a reproduction of President Wilson's speech over the German lines. From this country the largest representation of active players at the front comes, it is claimed, from the sport of polc. Of the 1,440 members of the forty-nine clubs in the American Polo Association, 985, or over sixty per cent, have enlisted and are now in the service, not a few having attained highest army rank. At the Polo Association's annual meeting the other day Mr. Henry Lloyd Herbert, the chairman, after pointing out these statistics, paid tribute to the late Major Augustus Peabody Gardner, who since 1891 had been active in polo. Major Gardner played on his Myopia team in many cup-winning events. The vigor and determination he had shown on the polo field were again evident when, as member of Congress, he became a foremost exponent of National preparedness, and especially when, at the outbreak of the war, he was the first member to resign from Congress and to carry out his principles by enlisting in the Army. He showed there, as Mr. Herbert pointed out, the same brave sporting spirit that he had given in his youth to games, While the English are more dogged fighters than are the Germans because of British devotion to outdoor sports, and while general athletic training is a good thing, contributing toward morale as does nothing else, and while, recognizing this, British and American officers are recommending participation in all open-air feats of skill and endurance towards military efficiency, there is something to be said against the professional athlete in the army. A Glasgow physician was quoted in the papers the other day as remarking that professional football players were not wanted in the trenches because their endurance has been found less than a third of that of those taken from the desk, shop, or farm. Football players have been so highly trained for the game that their nerves cannot long endure a further strain, says this physician. The query arises whether our professional baseball players now on the other side are also subject to this criticism. Whether so or not, in the long run military training demands, we believe, not so much the particular professional development in a violent game as the normal amateur training in a gentler game. Such development as is brought about by steady, non-excessive play, year in and year out, in golf or tennis may be of more use in the trenches than the particular development required by baseball, football, or polo. GARDENING BY CORPORATIONS We have heard a good deal about gardening by individuals. We have not heard so much about gardening by corporations. Yet the corporations' record last year in this respect was noteworthy. The United States Steel Corporation, for instance, offered a number of prizes to those of its men making the best showing as gardeners. The men were also assisted by having the land plowed and prepared for seeding. The Pennsylvania Railroad system began its gardening campaign as soon as America became a belligerent. Along its right of way lie great tracts of land suitable for vegetable production. These tracts were offered to employees in small plots at a purely nominal rental. As many of the men who embraced the opportunity had little or no knowledge of gardening, the company took a census of prospective gardeners and secured for them several thousand copies of the National War Garden Commission's manual on gardening. This Commission, from whose just published pamphlet we learn these facts, reports that this year the Pennsylvania system has widely extended its movement. The War Garden Commission also reports that the General Electric Company, of Schenectady, New York, provided for some fifteen hundred of its employees who expressed a desire to cultivate gardens a sixty-acre tract of good river bottom land, which it plowed and prepared for seeding, apportioning the land in small parcels. Similarly the Oliver Chilled Plow Company maintained a large acreage of gardens near its plant at South Bend, Indiana; and more than five hundred of the employees of the Brown and Sharpe Company, at Providence, Rhode Island, have been helping to feed themselves on the products of the community gardens which the company leased and plowed for them at Pleasant Valley; while at Meriden, Connecticut, the employees of Foster, Merriam & Co. had each plots fifty by one hundred feet in size on which they produced a thousand bushels of potatoes alone, not to mention quantities of other products, the company securing the seeds and fertilizer in quantity and allowing the men to pay for them on easy terms. But the conditions which all these corporations had to face seem easy compared to those which confronted the Inspiration Consolidated Copper Company, of Inspiration, Arizona, where the land is at an elevation of some 3,300 feet on the mountains, and where the region is arid. Moreover, the copper employees are so cosmopolitan that few know English. Yet this company turned no less than 217 acres into gardens for them, and drilled five artesian wells necessary for the irrigation. Bulletins were printed in many languages and conspicuously placed to inform the workers of the rules governing gardening enterprises. The company engaged a garden expert from the Arizona Agricultural Station to make regular visits to the gardens and instruct the men. The double-crop system was employed, so that as soon as one crop had been harvested another was started. Nothing was permitted to go to waste, and the food which could not be used at once was dried or canned or sold in the market established by the company. And, what is more, the company itself did the selling. Finally, the American Rolling Mill Company, in Middletown, Ohio, not only promoted gardening among its employees last year by providing land for the gardens and by awarding prizes for the best products, but, in similar fashion, encouraged the wives of workers to conserve the garden excess by offering prizes for the best canned products. In such wise a notable number of our great corporations have already seen the necessity of helping the Nation and at the same time of benefiting themselves. We shall not win this war unless the supply of food is increased. It can be increased by corporations as well as by individuals. The corporations also help themselves, because the toiler in a noisy mill or the worker in a smoky forge or foundry can find no avocation or recreation that will build him up physically and refresh his energies as gardening will. So says the National War Garden Commission's pamphlet, and adds: pamphlet, and adds: "The employee who can be induced to become a gardener becomes straightway a more worth-while employee." THE FOYERS DU SOLDAT Last October the French Prime Minister officially invited the American Y. M. C. A. to extend its co-operation in the maintenance of Foyers du Soldat (Soldiers' Homes) in the French Army. Our Y. M. C. A. gladly accepted the invitation, and, because of the co-operation, the work has gone ahead amazingly, so that now there are some three hundred huts. But thirteen hundred are needed. These huts are about the same as our American Army and Navy Y. M. C. A. huts in their features of concerts, entertainments, lectures, educational talks and classes, games, writing facilities, reading matter, sports, and the canteen. The last named is a very important factor. A recent letter from one of the American secretaries says: Six times during the three hours and a half that the canteen was open the big marmite was filled with water, heated, chocolate made and sold over the counter. . . . At last when the great vat had been drained of every drop of chocolate and the late comers turned away without the comforting hot drink to sleep on ... it was found that 1,310 cups of chocolate had been served during the day. . . It must be remembered that we serve hot drinks only from twelve to one, three to four, and from fivethirty to eight-but this evening we suspended the service during the band concert from six to seven. ... The American Secretary of one of the Foyers wrote recently: The building is by no means the smallest, but with all its size it is plein [full]. the main room was full of soldiers playing games. Not a chair was vacant and men were standing; ... in the next room there was no noise. Here every table was in use by the poilus writing letters home. And in the last room, the reading-room, a still more quiet, homelike atmosphere prevailed. One of the men, looking around at the walls covered with pictures, the fireplace, the plants and flowers in the corners, and the men quietly reading, said: "It's just like home, isn't it?" The finest types of American women are helping in many the Foyers, and one of them writes: "I am getting on very well even without much French, as so many of the soldiers are anxious to use their English." Another one writes: "Here we two women work, often only one of us in the building at one time, among this crowd of men--and never a rough word or coarse jest. of American soldiers have displayed much enthusiasm for learning French, but the Y. M. C. A. informs us that the French poilu is just as enthusiastic to learn English. The English class also serves another purpose-the common meeting-ground where the American and the poilu get to know each other better. he hoped France and America would always be as true friends of each other as they are now. He is a wonderful man and extremely popular. While he was in the Foyer he asked if there were any soldiers there who had been cited to the army in the Orders of the Day. Although there were but few in the building at that particular time, one man responded. M. Clemenceau gave him a handsome watch as a token of his personal appreciation. On March 4 Mr. E. C. Carter, National Secretary of the American Y. M. C. A. in France, cabled as follows: Clemenceau and Pétain are urging the organization of ten new Foyers daily. The minimum weekly requirements are twentyfive virile native American secretaries. Cannot accept foreigners as representatives. Include athletic directors. Sympathy, energy, adaptability, culture, count more than ability to speak the language. Highest standard American leadership in Foyers essential to win the war. Of the sixteen hundred "Y" secretaries now in France, between two and three hundred are assigned to the Foyer work. In each Foyer there should be a French and an American director. In response to Mr. Carter's cablegram, two hundred picked American secretaries from the camps in this country are now undergoing a course of intensive training at Princeton in the French language and in French history, manners, and customs. But hundreds more of the right type of men are yet to come forward and be chosen for this work, important both to army efficiency and to international comity. A LIVING WAGE FOR WOMEN WORKERS The humane principle that a State by legislation may require that pay enough to insure to workingwomen health, efficiency, and the necessities of life was long ago sustained by the United States Supreme Court. The view that women as women might be so safeguarded was reached by the Supreme Court largely because of the masterly array of facts in briefs prepared by Mr. Brandeis, now a Justice of the Supreme Court, and Miss Josephine Goldmark. It is in consonance with this principle that two bills are now before the New York Legislature. In hearings on these bills recently representatives of many women's associations, such as the Y. W. C. A., the Women's Municipal League, and thes Women's Trade Union League, took part, and it is noteworthy that the delegation included two hundred women voters. Both bills aim to raise the standards of hours and wages for working women and girls in the State. The Lockwood Eight-Hour Bill prohibits the employment of women between ten at night and six in the morning, and provides for an eight-hour day for women in almost all industries. The opposition was largely from public utility companies, which claimed that they would be forced to cease operation at night if they could not employ women between the hours named above. The war, it was said, has reduced the supply of men for such work. The advocates of the bill insisted, however, that there are still available men for night work. The eight-hour day was urgently advocated, both by representatives of general, social, and civic associations, and especially by women trades-union members, who now have the eight-hour day themselves, and believe that unorganized women need the same privilege if they are to have wholesome living and time for rest and recreation. Facts were put forward to show that a shorter day did not decrease, but rather increased, output because of increased efficiency. There appears to have been no opposition to the second of the bills. This, known as the Wagner Minimum Wage Bill, is modeled after the Oregon law, which has been declared Constitutional. The Wagner Bill creates a permanent wage commission composed of three members, who would in turn appoint wage boards for each occupation. Each board would consist of representatives of employers, employees, and the public. After an intensive study of the cost of living in various localities, it would fix living wage rates for women and minors. The principles of wage determination would be such as to guarantee to the worker minimum earnings sufficient to meet the necessi ties of life, to maintain health and efficiency. No one can possibly dissent from the wish expressed at this hearing by a working-girl, that every woman worker in this country might at least have a living wage. She did not even ask that this wage should be sufficient for comfortable living or enough to make life rich, but that it should always at least provide the bare necessities of life. B ARE WE TOO LATE! EFORE this issue of The Outlook reaches its readers the German onslaught upon the British army on the western front in France will have proved itself to be either a momentous disaster for the Allies or a practical failure for Germany. Its purpose is to beat down the British, leaving France at the mercy of the Prussians, and thus to compel England and the French Republic to sue for peace on terms dictated by Germany. The Germans have never for one moment since they began their war of domination and conquest assented to President Wilson's amiable but wholly impracticable doctrine of "peace without victory." At this writing (March 26) it is not believed that they will achieve their purpose. With a mass of men, artillery, and ammunition such as the world has never seen British lines with a terrible impact and by sheer weight have before in the whole history of warfare they have fallen on the thrust them back. But they have not broken through. British, French, and American military experts believe that they will not break through; that the British and French, with such aid as the courageous and determined but all too few American troops can give, will hold; that the Germans, having suffered unparalleled losses of men who have been lavishly pushed forward as "cannon fodder," will undergo the period of reaction that always follows such mighty charges or onslaughts, especially when unsuccessful; that a new alignment will be formed; and that trench warfare, the warfare of attrition, will be resumed and will continue until such time as the United States can throw into the struggle the full strength of its men and resources. Such, at least, is the hope, and indeed the only hope, of that portion of the civilized world which is struggling for freedom, for the rights of small nations, for humanity and justice in international relations, against the barbaric German doctrine that might makes right" and that solemn treaties are merely scraps of paper. 66 66 These are anxious moments for the whole American people. They are beginning to wonder if the fatal words, "Late, late, too late! Ye cannot enter now!" are to be pronounced against them. They begin to realize, as they never before realized, that the French and British armies and the British navy have been fighting to keep them safe from the incalculable sufferings of Belgium and northern France; that the blood of others has been shed that they might not become slaves. For if England and France should go down, we the people of the United States should have to make a slavish peace with the Prussian conquerors, accompanied certainly by huge indemnities and possibly by humiliating annexations, or we should have to meet and fight the Teutonic invaders on our own seaboard. This is as certain as the invasion of Belgium and the spoliation of northern France. We should suppose that to-day, of all men in the United States, President Wilson would be the most anxious. For he must now see clearly the danger to which we have been brought face to face by the policy of neutrality in thought and feeling, of watchful waiting, of unwillingness to prepare for war, of attempting to reason with instead of handcuffing organized bandits. Every American must fervently pray, as doubtless President Wilson is praying, that this danger may be mercifully averted, so that from now on we may have the chance to bend every muscle, strain every nerve, spend every dollar, enlist every man that can fight in the great struggle for world freedom. If we had been of this mind and heart in 1914, 1915, and 1916, we should not have had to cable to the British Field Marshal, General Haig, as President Wilson did on Monday of last week: May I not express to you my warm admiration of the splendid steadfastness and valor with which your troops have withstood the German onset, and the perfect confidence all Americans feel that you will win a secure and final victory? There seems to us to be just one great lesson for this Nation in the awful combat on the western front. Let us all-President, |