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time they publicly protested against the opposition movement, which had expressed itself by affiliating itself with the Zimmerwald Conference in spite of the Party's objection to that movement. The Party leaders maintained that a new Party had grown up within the old, with its own organs, its own executive board, its own press, all in bitter opposition to the old Party. They called upon the Party membership to combat, most determinedly, this opposition movement within the Party. Because of this declaration three members of the Executive Committee-three deputies-resigned from office. The Executive Committee likewise published a declaration in opposition to the Zimmerwald movement, which action brought forth a flood of protests from Party branches and locals.

The Swedish Social Democracy is thus faced with a split, the importance of which will be determined only when a general Party Congress takes final action. The Party, which was founded in 1889, had become the strongest and best organized in Sweden. The election of 1915, resulted in the election of 87 representatives against 86 Conservatives and 45 Liberals in the lower House; in the Senate the Party holds 14 seats. The first Socialist to enter the Swedish Parliament was H. Branting, who was elected in 1895 and is still to-day its most powerful leader. The election returns since 1902 are as follows:

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The first election held in 1914 was a special election, which did not interfere with the regular triennial election. The following shows the growth of Party membership:

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In the city councils there are 426, on the town boards, schools, and taxation boards 4,795 Social Democrats. The election to the Landsthing (Provincial Parliament), held on March 25, 1915, also resulted in substantial gains everywhere; 126 deputies, a direct gain of 45 deputies.

The great victory at the last election, which made the Party the strongest Party in the country, raised the question of ministerial participation. A Congress was held in

November, 1914, in Stockholm, to discuss the matter, and it was decided to form a Coalition Ministry with non-socialist parties, after the war. This decision aroused violent opposition on the part of the Young Socialists, but was carried by a majority of 90 against 58 votes. A motion to demand gradual reduction of armaments in Parliament was lost, with 70 against 61 votes. At this Congress the member of Parliament Steffen was expelled from the Party because he favored intervention in the war on the side of Germany.

The Social Democratic Party of Sweden has 20 organs with a circulation of 160,000. The Young People's Federation with a membership of 12,000 in 400 branches has its own monthly organ Fram, and a weekly Stormkloken, which are mainly responsible for the radical spirit of the Young Socialist movement. The 2,000 organized Socialist women support a woman paper, Morgonbris. The number of "People's Houses" and People's Parks has grown considerably and are valued at six million crowns.

The labor union movement in Sweden, as in all Scandinavian countries, works in closest harmony with the Socialist Party. In 1913 the General Federation had 93,600 members; now it numbers 150,000. In 1908 the General Federation already had 186,226 members. The general strike of 1908 led to a decrease, the membership falling to 60,000. From this blow there has been only a slow and partial recovery. There are also 36,000 workingmen organized outside of the Federation, a large proportion of them belonging to syndicalist organizations. The General strike of 1908 was in reality a general lockout by the employers, which, however, extended immediately also to those workers whom the capitalists had intended to lockout gradually. In this way 290,700 workingmen and women were at once affected. This gigantic classstruggle began on August 4, and came to an end only on November 13, when the Swedish Employers' Association rescinded the lockout order. Neither side had won a victory, but the workers had suffered the severest wounds. The International Labor and Socialist movement showed a splendid spirit of solidarity; in Sweden the working-class raised 3,000,000 crowns, the organized workers and Socialists of other countries the same sum, so that altogether 6,000,000 crowns were collected for the fighting fund of the Swedish general strike. One of the most noteworthy effects of the general strike has been the remarkable decrease in strikes in subsequent years.

The Swedish Co-operative movement has gained in strength from year to year. Beginning in 1889 with a few insignificant organizations, the "Co-operative Federation" in 1909 had 391 branch organizations with 65,652 members.

Since then the business has doubled, the membership increasing to 146,800 members. The co-operatives, too, work hand in hand with the Party and spend a large part of their income on Socialist propaganda.

The Party Secretary of Sweden is Gustav Moller, Swedish Social Democratic Labor Party, Folkesthus, Barnhusgatan 14, Stockholm.

The Secretary of the Labor Federation is H. Lindgvist, Barnhusgatan 16, Stockholm.


Federal republic, composed of twenty-two cantons. Legislative power vested in Federal Assembly of two houses-National Council and Council of the States, roughly corresponding to House and Senate in the United States. Executive power in Federal Council, seven members, chosen by Federal Assembly in joint session. Initiative and referendum largely used in both federal and cantonal affairs. Proportional representation in some


German is the prevailing and official language in sixteen cantons, French in five, and Italian in one.

Swiss social-political history has some peculiar features. One is the early establishment of republican institutions-in the small mountain cantons a primary democracy; in the larger and richer ones an urban oligarchy of merchant and landlord families. The mass of the people were till recently peasant-proprietors. Certain hand trades (such as watch making) have long been extensively practised in some cantons. In others there is a vast number of hotel and restaurant workers, catering to tourists and health-seekers. None of these furnish a sound basis for a labor movement. Only within the last thirty years, with electric transmission of power derived from waterfalls ("white coal") has great industry and a modern proletariat begun to develop rapidly in certain districts. Finally, Switzerland has a great number of immigrant wage-workers (German, French, and Italian) who are not citizens.

The oldest political working-class organization is the Grütli Union, founded in 1838, composed chiefly of artisans and hand-workers. At first merely democratic-radical, in 1878 it accepted Socialism in principle and in 1901 it joined (though keeping its autonomy) the Social Democratic party, which had been formed under Marxian influence.

The party has not neglected to use the initiative and referendum, but its successes have been mostly negative. Thus in 1903 it overturned a press-muzzling law and in 1906 a reactionary election law; but its positive proposals for social and labor legislation have in most cases been defeated by the votes of peasants, shopkeepers, and hotel workers,

In 1902 the party polled 55,000 votes and elected seven men to the National Council. Its vote rose to 70,000 in 1905 and to 120,000 in 1911, when it won fifteen seats. In the fall of 1914 its vote was still further increased, and eighteen of its candidates were successful. (The National Council has about 200 members.) The party has also one representative in the Council of the States. In 1912 there were 212 Socialists among the 2,907 members of cantonal councils; since then, and even during the war, many more seats have been gained in Zürich, Bern, and elsewhere. In Bern the vote rose from 5,450 in 1913 to nearly 7,000 in 1916.

In 1912 the party had about 23,000 members, and in the summer of 1914 it had 33,238. By the fall of 1915 the number had fallen to 29,585, chiefly as a result of unemployment. Two party papers have had to suspend since the war began, but about fifteen remain. There is a Socialist Women's Federation and a Socialist Young People's Society, the latter with over 2,000 members.

The party congress at Aarau in November, 1915, approved the Zimmerwald resolutions and called on the proletariat of all belligerent countries to take revolutionary action to stop the war. In domestic affairs it demanded graduated taxation of large incomes and properties to cover mobilization expenses; legislation to protect female home-workers; abolition of military courts and requirement that army offi- ́ cers have the same rations and sleeping quarters as the men. It decided also on a reorganization of the party by merging the Grütli Union with the general organization.

In the canton of Zürich, in the spring of 1916, the party decided to initiate a campaign for woman suffrage.

The Federation of Trade Unions, founded in 1882, had 5,300 members in 1888, 27,000 in 1903, 70,000 in 1912, and over 89,000 when the war broke out. It lost 30,000 within a few months, but has since regained many of them. It works in close harmony with the party. Its Secretary is Oscar Schneeberger, Kapellenstrasse 6, Bern. There were also in 1914 some 35,000 workers in non-affiliated unions, including 12,000 in the Catholic unions, which have little militant character, and 7,000 in the Anarchist-Syndicalist organizations of French Switzerland, where hand industry still largely prevails and where also there are many voteless workingmen.

The Co-operative Movement.

The Federation of Co-operative Consumers' Societies, had 230 local branches and 150,000 members in 1911-one to every five households in the republic. Its central wholesale

agency had a turnover of $6,400,000 in that year, while the business of the local stores aggregated about five times as

much. One-fifth of the co-operators were in the canton of Basel. Since then there has been a material growth; cooperative activity has been extended into several branches of production, and during the war the societies have virtually absorbed the business of meat importation.

Both the party and the trade unions have been intensely active since the war began-organizing monster demonstrations to keep alive the spirit of internationalism; struggling for maintenance of wage-rates; bringing pressure on the government in favor of legislation to relieve the unemployed and to keep down food-prices; combating the evils of the military system; and also striving to restore intercourse among the Socialist parties of the belligerent countries and encourage them to active efforts for the restoration of peace. The Secretary of the party is M. Fähndrich, Birmensdorferstrasse 15, Zürich.


The Government is composed of a President, a Vice-President, a Senate of 274 members who serve for six years (one-third of the members retiring every two years) elected by the various Provincial Assemblies and Electoral Colleges and a House of Representatives of 596 members who serve for three years, the number for each province-Thibet, Kokonor and Mongolia-being proportional to the estimated population, one representative being elected for each 800,000 of the population. Male citizens are eligible to vote if they are 21 years of age or older and if they possess any of the following qualifications: 1-payment of direct tax of $2.00 per annum or over; 2-possession of immovable property of the value of $500 or over; 3-graduate of an elementary or higher school or possession of an equivalent amount of education. Opium smokers are disqualified.

The collectivist idea in China is as old as the Chinese civilization itself-about 4.000 years. So it was natural that the Socialist philosophy should find easy acceptance in this country. "All humanity," said the wise Confucius, "has the same body and the same mind. Consequently all humanity must feel alike and act alike."

The real Socialist movement of China is very young, hardly more than five years of age. It finds its expression in the Socialist Party of China, which has lived and grown in spite of persecution. There is also a semi-Socialist Party, an organization about ten years older than the revolutionary Socialist movement, which under the leadership of Sun Yat Sen, has the character of a National Labor Party with strictly Chinese ideals, in marked contrast to the revolutionary, proletarian character of the Socialist Party.

In 1911 the first Socialist organization was founded, and the first Socialist newspaper, The Socialist Star, was established. In three months this movement, supported and fos

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