physical training, comprising police measures for arresting juvenile mendicity and vagrancy, and cutting off the vicious succession to pauperism and vice, and educational prevention, by imparting to the young industrial aptitudes, by means of early physical as well as intellectual, moral, and religious training. The efliciency of this great means of educational and training prevention has been demonstrated in larger particular instances. I may assume that I have elsewhere proved that on the half school-time system, the common elementary instruction may be imparted in half the hours of the day now misapplied, in half the period of years now occupied to the detriment of productive occupation, and that the physical as well as mental training may be provided at half the expense that is now incurred for inferior mental instruction, divested of the physical training which is so necessary to impart industrial aptitudes to the young. If these great means of prevention, educational and sanitary, be duly prosecuted, pauperism must eventually be of comparatively infrequent occurrence, and a charge of comparatively little public account.

The Effects of Poor-houses in checking Pauperism and diminishing the Expense of providing for the Poor, and in promoting the moral and social welfare of the Population. By W. S. WALKER, of Bowland, Secretary to the Board of Supervision for the Relief of the Poor in Scotland.

Ir is now a matter of trite observation that all poor-laws have an inherent tendency to foster pauperism, to increase the expenditure for the relief of the poor, and to deteriorate the character of the population among which the law is administered. Nor is it difficult to assign the cause of this tendency. For, after all, it must be confessed that a poor-law is but a clumsy and unphilosophical expedient to relieve the misery and destitution which, unhappily, result from the artificial condition of society in the older countries. In a more primitive state of things, where the social relations of man to man are closer and more firmly knit, and where the dependance of each family upon a head, and of each cluster of families upon a chief, is acknowledged and generally acted upon, instances of unrelieved destitution are exceptional, and may be safely left to the exercise of individual benevolence. But as these natural ties, in the progress of society, were relaxed or cast aside, the alarming increase, both in England and Scotland, of "sturdy vagabonds," and "masterful beggars," warned us of the necessity of making an artificial provision for the really indigent. Out of this necessity arose our legislative enactments known by the term "Poor-laws."

But, inasmuch as a poor-law is a virtual announcement that all who can establish a claim under it shall be maintained without exertion at the public expense, the natural inclination of mankind to indolence is directly appealed to and encouraged by it. And

hence it happens that under the influence of a poor-law-without due checks against lax administration-there is a constant and inevitable augmentation both in the number of applicants for, and recipients of, relief, and in the poor-law expenditure, while at the same time there is a progressive diminution of manly independence among the population.

The immediate object of a poor-law-to alleviate the pains of poverty and to prevent death from starvation-is, indeed, easily attainable. But to effect that object in a kindly manner towards the deserving poor, and yet without producing those consequential evils that have been adverted to, involves a problem which, it may be safely asserted, has never been solved by the statesmen of any country.

The only known beneficial check is the system of workhouses, as they are termed in England and Ireland; of poor-houses, as they are called in Scotland. This system is differently administered in each of the three kingdoms, but it must be admitted that in none of them has it proved a perfect contrivance. Nevertheless, being the only method yet devised, capable in any degree of stemming the current of deterioration which flows from the operation of an unrestricted poor-law, it concerns us more to ascertain whether we are better with it than we should have been without it, than to censure its imperfections. If it has caused any considerable improvement, we must be content to maintain it until some better expedient is discovered.

The object of this paper is to exhibit the effects of poor-houses in Scotland, 1st, in checking pauperism; 2ndly, in diminishing the expense of providing for the poor; and, 3rdly, in promoting the moral and social welfare of the population.

The first and second of these inquiries may be conveniently taken together leaving the third to be dealt with separately afterwards.

Looking, then, at the question, not in a theoretical point of view, but by the light of common sense, the practical inquiry before us is whether experience has shown that where poor-houses have been adopted, pauperism and expenditure, or either of them, have to any extent been checked or whether it has not.

The fairest mode of conducting this inquiry appears to be to take the several parishes and combinations of parishes in which poorhouses have been erected since 1845 (when the present Scotch Poor Law was enacted), and to ascertain what the condition of the parish or combination has been with a poor-house as compared with its previous condition without one. From the scope of this inquiry there must necessarily be excluded those parishes in which poorhouses existed prior to 1845, the absence of accurate statistical information before that date rendering it impossible to institute any comparison. There may also be excluded those parishes in which poor-houses have only recently been opened-say within the last five years the results in these being as yet incomplete or insufficiently tested by time.

Let us proceed, then, to make the proposed comparison.

In the Barony parish of Glasgow a poor-house was opened in 1849. During the four immediately preceding years the increase of the population was 8.5 per cent.; but the increase of the poor on the roll during the same period was 216.3 per cent., the increase in the expenditure on registered poor was 118.9 per cent., and the increase in the total expenditure (including relief of registered poor, relief of casual poor, medical relief, management and law expenses) was 164.3 per cent. Here, certainly, was a most alarming rate of progression both in the number of persons throwing themselves upon the public bounty and in the burden upon the ratepayers. Let us see what effect was produced by the introduction of the poor-house test. During the fourteen years that have elapsed since the Barony poor-house was opened, the increase in the population has been 42.1 per cent., while the increase in the expenditure on registered poor has only been 24.8 per cent., and in the total expenditure 8.5 per cent., and there has actually been a decrease of 9.3 per cent. in the number of poor on the roll. These figures, we apprehend, require

no comment.

It should be explained, that in this and the subsequent cases, the period which has been compared with the year immediately preceding that in which the poor-house was opened is the year ended 14th May, 1863, which, owing to causes unconnected with the poor-laws, is certainly not a year of unusually small expenditure or pauperism. A more favourable comparison for the poor-house system might have been made either by taking an earlier year or by striking the average for the whole period during which the poor-house has been open. But the former plan might have been open to the objection that the year was selected for a purpose, and the latter would not have made allowance for the progressive increase of population. Upon the whole, therefore, it appeared most satisfactory to take as our test of the results of the poor-house system the latest financial year for which official returns are to be found in the records of the Board of Supervision.

It should be observed, further, that the cost of erecting the poorhouses has not been included in the expenditure referred to in this paper. These buildings remain the property of the parish, and may be therefore looked upon as so much invested capital. The cost of erection, however, practically causes but a fractional addition to the annual rate, as the assessment to defray it may be spread over a period of thirty years.

To take our next example:

A poor-house was opened in Dumfries in 1854. From 1846 down to that year the increase in the population was only 6.7 per cent. ; but during the same period the increase in the number of poor on the roll was 50.3 per cent., the increase in the expenditure on registered poor was 48.9 per cent., and the increase in the total expenditure was 60.8 per cent. During the nine years that have elapsed since the poor-house was opened, the increase of the population has

been 8.2 per cent., while in the number of poor on the roll there has been a decrease of 45.6 per cent., in the expenditure on registered poor a decrease of 29.8 per cent., and in the total expenditure a decrease of 31.2 per cent.

In the parish of Govan a poor-house was also opened in 1854. From 1846 to that year the increase in the population was 36.5 per cent., but in the same period the number of the poor on the roll had increased 150.9 per cent., the expenditure on registered poor 99.4 per cent., and the total expenditure 140.2 per cent. Since the opening of the poor-house the increase in the population has been 49.5 per cent.; but the number of poor on the roll has not increased, and the expenditure on registered poor has only increased 39.1 per cent., and the total expenditure 42.3 per cent.

The poor-house in Greenock was opened in 1849. From 1846 to 1849 the population had remained almost stationary, but the number of poor on the roll had increased 6.1 per cent., the expenditure on registered poor 23.9 per cent., and the total expenditure 51.3 per cent. Since 1849 the increase in the population has been 22.1 per cent., while the increase in the number of poor on the roll has been 23.1 per cent., in the expenditure on registered poor 16.9 per cent., and in the total expenditure 7.7 per cent.

The Kirkaldy Combination poor-house (four parishes) was opened in 1850. During the four preceding years the increase in the population was 3.3 per cent.; but the increase in the number of the poor on the roll was 23.2 per cent., in the expenditure on registered poor 57.8 per cent., and in the total expenditure 53.7 per cent. Since the poor-house was opened the population has increased 8.6 per cent., while the number of poor on the roll has only increased 4.1 per cent., the expenditure on registered poor 2.8 per cent., and the total expenditure 18.4 per cent.

The Kirkcudbright Combination originally consisted of five parishes, for which a poor-house was opened in 1851. During the five immediately preceding years, while the population was nearly stationary, the number of poor on the roll had increased 20.5 per cent., the expenditure on registered poor 86.7 per cent., and the total expenditure 103.8 per cent. Since the poor-house was opened (thirteen years) the population being still almost stationary, the number of poor on the roll has decreased 2.2 per cent., and the expenditure on registered poor has only increased 20.1 per cent., and the total expenditure 15.7 per cent. About two years later seventeen other parishes joined this combination, and during the seven years preceding that event, while their population had only increased 2 per cent., the number of their poor on the roll had increased 34.2 per cent., their expenditure on registered poor 70.2 per cent., and their total expenditure 61 per cent. Since these parishes joined the combination, while their population has slightly decreased (1.3 per cent.), the number of their poor on the roll has decreased 13.7 per cent., and their expenditure on registered poor has only increased 11.7 per cent., and their total expenditure 10.8

per cent.

The permanent poor-house in the Abbey parish of Paisley was opened in 1851, but a temporary poor-house which had been used for two years previously greatly reduced the number of poor and the amount of expenditure. Comparing the present condition of the parish with its state when the temporary house was opened, we find that while in the three years without a poor-house, with a population almost stationary, the increase in the number of poor on the roll was 42.6 per cent., in the expenditure on registered poor 36.4 per cent., and in the total expenditure 82.3 per cent.-since that period, with an increase in the population of 5.2 per cent., there has been a decrease under the same heads of 6.2 per cent., 12.9 per cent., and 29.8 per cent.

The poor-house of Easter Ross Combination (comprising nine Highland parishes) was opened in 1850. During the four immediately preceding years the population had only increased 1.9 per cent., but the number of poor on the roll had increased 10.7 per cent., the expenditure on registered poor 111.7 per cent., and the total expenditure 133.4 per cent. Since the opening of the poorhouse (fourteen years) the population has declined 4.5 per cent., but the number of poor on the roll has decreased 25.4 per cent., while the expenditure on registered poor has only increased 18.6 per cent., and the total expenditure 18.8 per cent.

The Dalkeith Combination poor-house was opened in 1850 by five parishes. During the four preceding years, the increase in the population being 4.2 per cent., the increase in the number of poor on the roll was 23.3 per cent.; in the expenditure on registered poor, 97.9 per cent.; and in the total expenditure, 100 per cent. During the fourteen years since the poor-house was opened, the increase in the population has been 3.8 per cent., but the number of poor on the roll has decreased 10.9 per cent., the expenditure on registered poor 11.1 per cent., and the total expenditure 15.5 per cent. Four other parishes joined the combination in 1855. From 1846 down to that date the increase in their population had only been 4.1 per cent., but the number of their poor on the roll, had increased 51.8 per cent., their expenditure on registered poor 200.4 per cent., and their total expenditure 111.5 per cent. Since 1855 the population of these parishes has decreased 1.8 per cent., but their poor on the roll has decreased 12.9 per cent., their expenditure on registered poor 11.9 per cent., and their total expenditure 11.5 per cent.

The statistics of nine poor-houses have now been given-comprising every description of population-town and country, manufacturing and agricultural, Lowland and Highland. The other poorhouses into the operation of which we undertook to inquire (twelve in number) exhibit very similar results, but the limits of this paper forbid further details. The contents of the annual returns for the whole twenty-one poor-houses, however, have been put together in a tabular form, as an appendix, and may be examined by any one interested in the subject.*

* For Appendix, see Poor Law Magazine for Scotland, No. lxvi., Feb., 1864.