Mr. Whitbread was not surprised at hearing the right hon. member setting his face against every species of reform: indeed it would be ungrateful in him did he not oppose the motion, as he himself, at that momoment, held a very lucrative office in reversion! The present Chancellor of the Exchequer also, when in the cradle, had the reversion, after the death of his brother, of one of the most profitable places in the country, and which required no other talents than counting the guineas received! Mr. Whitbread insisted, that, instead of this bill being an infringement of the royal prerogatives it, was a defence of them, leaving the King the power of bestowing offices where they were best deserved.

Leave was given to bring in the bill, with the solitary no of Mr.

Dundas.

committee.

Wednesday, Jan. 27.

ASSESSED AND OTHER TAXES.

Mr. Perceval gave notice, that as the bill which he had brought in last sessions for the better collection

of the assessed taxes, was from necessity, and the information he had received, materially altered from its original shape, it was his inten. tion to have it submitted, as soon as conveniently he could, to the conșideration of the house; adding also, that notwithstanding he had at first deemed it expedient to make some alteration with respect to the persons to be clerks and assessors, yet, from more mature reflection, he thought it most advisable not to make any alterations to the ex

ments.

Thursday, Jan. 28.

COPENHAGEN EXPEDITION.

Lord Castlereagh rose to move a vote of thanks to the army and navy employed in the expedition to Copenhagen. The expedition itself he considered most necessary; but whatever difference of sentiment there might be as to that, there could be no doubt of the ability by which the service was executed, and he contended, that it hardly ever fell to the lot of parliament to confer its thanks for a service of greater magnitude.-He moved "the thanks of the house to Lord Cathcart, Knight of the most ancient order of the Thistle, for the zeal and judicious conduct which he had displayed, after exhausting every means of negociation, in procuring the surrender of the Danish navy, and the arsenal at Copenhagen."

Mr. Windham said, that a vote of thanks for such services would betray an indecency of exultation and triumph entirely inconsistent with our professions. It would tend to incense the Danes still more, as it would convince them that we glory in what we have done. In fact, the chief merit after all, one would suppose, lay with the transport and victualling offices, for by the noble lord's statement they had done a service for which the house was now called on to thank the army and navy. It was a service of labour, such as was often executed at Portsmouth or Plymouth, and yet he had never heard of an intendant or dock-master having been made Baronets! It had been usual, or similar occasions, to add to the peerage a title, shewing from whence it arose, such as Nelson of the Nile, St. Vincent's, Camperdown, but in the present case the word Copenhagen seemed to be cautiously concealed. The right honourable gentleman said, the honours lavished by

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tune to lose his leg, had its place supplied by a wooden one. Being invited on a gala day to visit the Lord Mayor, he was much at a loss how to decorate this part of him so as to make it of a piece with his other fine clothes; at length, after mature deliberation, he resolved to have it gilded. And this was precisely the case with ministers; they were setting off ostentatiously what they ought to keep out of sight; they were truly gilding the wooden leg, and making these officers the vehicle for acquiring false reputation to themselves. He concluded by protesting against the vote.

Mr. Percival said, that no vote, of this evening would prevent a full discussion of the subject of the ex pedition. He trusted the house would disjoin the political from the military portion of this expedition in fact, as well as in word, and unanimously reward those who had acted so well in this painful and heartbreaking business! Under all the circumstances, he called upon the house to mark their sense of the conduct of those who in humanity and moderation had contributed so much to the security of the counwy.

If

Mr. Tierney said, ministers had come into power promising to do something out of the common way, and they had really done so. they had not fired guns upon that occasion, he would be glad to know when they could have fired them? If they had not made peers on the capture of Copenhagen, when could they have made them? He must protest, however, against this lavish

22

they had kept the ring, a of thanks had never en their heads. He oppose of thanks, as a dangerous and derogatory to the dign liament.

Sir F. Burdett rose to s mediately on which a m ved the peremptory or strangers do withdraw. S we understand, made a m getic speech, and painted colours the scandalous c ministers, in promoting a tion which will ever be a c the British nation. Instea glorying in an act of m voked, unjust, and impo rage; instead of firing car lavishing titles and votes they ought to blush and heads! As to the officers withhold his assent; becau not an atchievement of the ty and importance which this distinguished honour. clared himself therefore r divide the house on the qu

Mr. Whitbread and Lord followed on the same si which a division took pl the motion of thanks 100 it 19.

The following are the no the minority. Lord Ossulston, H. C Hon. T. Brand, T. Cre Martin, W. Honeywood, nell, H. Tracey, W. Smith, R. Sharp, H. Pierce, G Hon. M, Matthew, R. Hu W. Howard, F. Horner, W. Ward, S. Whitbread.

Friday, Jan. 29.

Mr. Horner brought forward a motion respecting licences for carrying on trade with countries at war with us. It was a principle of the constitution, that no money should be levied without the consent of parliament, but in this instance ministers had exacted fees in granting these licences, without that authority, and the amount of the fees so exacted was understood to be enormous. He there fore moved that there be laid before the house a list of the number of licences granted, from the 1st. of May, 1803, till the 1st. of November, 1807, together with the amount of fees paid or received on such li

cencés.

Mr. Rose said, it was impossible to carry on trade without granting these licences; independent of that, they were perfectly legal, as they were granted under the authority of an act passed in the year 1798.

The motion was agreed to.

The navy estimates for the current year were agreed to, viz. for wages of 130,000 seamen, including 31,000 marines (at 11. 17s. per man per month, for thirteen months) 3,126,500l. Provisions, 3,211,000l. Wear and tear, 5,070,000l.

The ordnance estimates were also agreed to, amounting to 591,5001. Adjourned to Monday."

Monday, Feb. 1.

Mr. Whitbread, pursuant to notice, moved-For an account of the names and tonnage of the transports take and lost on the Copenhagen expedition; together with the number of soldiers taken, or lost with the transports.

Mr. Windham moved for the following papers:-1st. A return of the number of men raised by the regular recruiting for the army, since the 1st of July, 1807, with the number of desertions for the same period.-2d. The number of men eulisting from the militia into the line, specifying those entering for life, and those for a term of years.-Ordered.

Tuesday, Feb. 2.

Several official papers, and accounts were moved for and ordered.

Wednesday, Feb. 10.

COPENHAGEN EXPEDITION.

Mr. Ponsonby rose to call the attentention of the house to a subject of the highest political consideration to the honour and interests of this empire, and to mankind at large; and in this ef fort his principal object would be to ascertain how far ministers were justified in their proceedings against the court of Denmark. It was a subject that called loudly for the investigation of that house, the more especially as, in the declaration published by his Majesty's ministers, they express what they term an avowal of the motives of their proceedings; and in which they say that his Majesty owes it to his people to announce, in the most unequivohim to break with a court, so nearly alcal manner, the causes which induced

It was

lied to him as that of Denmark. well understood that the disgraceful expedition was not undertaken by the advice of his Majesty, but with other views, and perhaps interested motives, which ministers only could explain. It was

not the conduct of Denmark which led to it, but anticipation that France would, at some time or other, compel that state to join in the common cause against this country. He allowed, that it was the incessant endeavour of the ruler of France to employ all possible means for the destruction of the British empire; but he insisted that there was no proof that Denmark had fallen in with the views of France, nor any proceedings on her part, within the last twelve mouths, calculated to arouse the jealousy of England. He next remarked, that if Denmark had really entertained any hostile intentions to wards us, it must have been manifest long before the sailing of Admiral Gambier, and certainly before his arrival at Copenhagen; and ministers must have had the information of it, and having it, cannot refuse to publish it, by granting the motion, which to that effect be should propose to the house: but he anticipated the rejection of his motion, and for this reason, because he was convinced no information of that kind existed. At the time that Admiral Gambier entered the Sound, Denmark dreaded no harm from this country, conscious of not having entered into any engagement with the French Emperor, 350 of her ships were in different

British ports, with cargoes amounting to two millions of rix-dollars; and when the Danish subjects got alarmed by the rumours spread respecting the destination of the armament, they ape plied to the Danish court, and received a reply, which at once allayed their fears, namely, that Great Britain had no such intention, as both courts were then on the best possible understanding. Was it to be supposed that Denmark would risk its most valuable colonies, her commerce, her ships, and every thing else dear to its existence, merely to gratify the wish of the French ruler? But at the time the negociation between the court of Denmark and the Emperor of France was supposed to be going forward, the Danish force in Zealand amounted to 35,000 men, and the army in Holstein to $30,000; so that there was a force of at least 65,000 inen, exclusive of 'Swedish and British. The French could not take Zealand while there was such a force to defend it. Nor could France take the Danish fleet without the consent of Denmark: the Belt has not been crossed by an army for the last 150 years; and it had rarely happened that even individuals had been enabled to cross in that manner. It was well known that the cold in most of the European states was not now what it had been. The draining of morasses, the cutting of forests, and the general cultivation and improvement of countries, had made great alterations in the climates; so that not only had mo troops passed the Great Belt on the ice during the last 150 years, but during the last 60 years no instance had occurred in which that arm of the sea had been so bound up by frost that a General would have ventured to march an army across it. Neither could Russia force Denmark into a confederacy against us. If we knew that to be her object, why did we suffer the Russian fleet to rove about unmolested; or why did not ministers now produce some proof of it? Russia was reproached with having such design by our ambsasador; and yet she was required to give up the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit; and was also called to account for her conduct at Corfu, Turkey, and in the Mediterranean. All this was done while Russia was offering her mediation to stop the horrors of war. He remarked on the great impolicy of our conduct, after we had made Denmark VOL, ILL

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our mortal enemy, in leaving 65,000 of her troops unmolested in Holstein and Zealand, in possession of all her strong holds, and of the crown battery. He said, we dealt our impolitic malice but by half measures; we were shabby in our iniquity, but without the skill to complete it. He warned ministers against believing that nations may be absolved from the rules of morality. France, by interfering between America and the mother country, had overwhelmed her own government, and sent her royal race into exile. Prussia and Austria had been severally punished for the share they took in the infamous partition of Poland; and so also was Russia, who made the third in that act of spoliation, now the abject suitor of the victor Bonaparte, trembling at his nod, and obsequious to his purposes. He then concluded by moving, "that such information as had been received relative to the naval preparations of Denmark should be laid before the house."

Mr. Canning then rose. Whatever, he said, might be the decision of the house, he, for one, should always feel the highest satisfaction in having been accused of his share in the Danish expedition! He was well convinced that ministers had obtained what they deserved, the thanks of their country, for the success of the expedition against Copenhagen, as that enterprize had been, in a great degree, the salvation of the country. He observed, that it never was nor had been imputed to Denmark, that she had to choose whether she would go to war with us. Such a principle had never been maintained; neither would it have been at all necessary. It had been said, that the weakness of Denmark was a sufficient justification of the measure; but that was not the case; neither was it true that we had the hearts of the Danes with us. It was impossible to conceive for one moment, after the defeat of the northern confederacy, that Denmark could ever have been with us. On the contrary, from that period the feelings of Denmark had been hostile to a degree against this country. Here the right hon. gentleman stated the circumstences attending the northern confede racy in 1780, and in 1802. Since the latter the league was to the same effect only more firmly knitted, and more vigorous, by the strong compulsion of France. In all Bonaparte's capitula

tions and decrees, he has declared his design, and his firm and inveterate determination, to persevere in such a confederacy, by combining the naval force of Europe for the exclusion and depression of our commerce, in which nothing, he said, should prevent Denmark from being an associate. When the first danger menaced the frontiers of Denmark, it was the French troops that occupied Hanover in the year 1803. This cordon of troops was however withdrawn, when the troops of Sweden and England entered Holstein. After the battle of Auerstadt, Denmark was violated by the French, a Danish General taken prisoner and treated with great disrespect, and the Danish forces compelled to retreat from the frontiers of Holstein. After that, Prince Murat was sent by Bonaparte to the King of Sweden, entreating that Monarch to make common cause with France, and promising him, in the that event, Norway, which belonged to Denmark. The King of Sweden instantly communicated this offer to the Prince Royal of Denmark,and offered him 20,000 troops for the defence of Holstein, which was refused by the Prince Royal, believing he could only rely on the assurances of France; and he did more-he concealed from England the fact of the French offer respecting Norway. Having stated these and other points, the Right hon. gentleman appealed to the house, whether or not it would be wise or prudent in ministers to have relied on the fidelity and independence of Denmark, especially after the warnings she had received. Mr. Canning went at great length into the general policy of the attack at Copenhagen, and ridiculing the notions of morality held by those who condemned it. He concluded by giving the resolution his most decided and hearty negative.

Mr. Windham could not withhold

himself from expressing his very great astonishment at the manner in which the right hon. gentleman opposite had alluded to certain transactions of the late administration. It was true, the

late ministers had sent a fleet to Lisbon, as the present ministers had sent one to Copenhagen: but there was this difference, that the late ministers,having precisely the same grounds for seizing the fleet of Portugal, had declined to act to that extent upon those grounds that the present ministers had in the

case of Copenhagen. The success of the present ministers consisted in doing what was improper to be done at all, and what might as well have been done at any time since the commencement of the war. The right hon. gentleman, therefore, had no reason to exult in a comparison which made against him, and he might address him in the words of the poet,

"Can nothing but thine own reproach "Serve for a motto for thy coach ?”.

Mr. W. deprecated the measures adopted by ministers, and accused them of sacrifising the reputation of the country. The ruins they had made at Copenhagen would prove a lasting monument of digrace. We should be objects of scorn and execration; and it would be the interest of our enemies to cherish the monument we have left! He condemned the Spanish war as a war of plunder; and declared that the only way left for him, in his individual capacity, to act, towards wiping out the stains on the country, was to avow publicly his sincere and pointed condemnation of, and to express his heartfelt regret at, the measures that night under consideration.

Mr. Milnes defended ministers; the expedition had been justified by many more arguments than were requisite to satisfy his mind.

Mr. Bathurst was of opinion, that government had prevented the house from concurring in the defence they set up, by their refusal of information.

Mr. Foster conceived the expedition to have been imperatively dictated by the ascendency which Bonaparte had acquired over the powers of the North.

Lord Palmerstone vindicated the expedition. Its justification might be stated in two words-Denmark liad a fleet, and was weak-France was our enemy, and was powerful.

Mr. Morris was of opinion, that the attack upon Copenhagen was justifiable on the ground of the well-known determination of France to force the pow ers of the Continent into a confederacy hostile to this county, and the inability

of Denmark to resist the France.

power

of

Mr. Lyttleton, with regret, was compelled to acknowledge, that there was enough before the house to justify the conduct of ministers in the attack upon Copenhagen.

Mr. Whitbread wished to re-call the