to the most extreme distress; and concluded with praying, that the House of Commons would take such steps, under the direction of his Majesty, as would accord with the honour and dignity of the nation, in restoring the blessings of peace. Mr. Canning said, there could be no objection to receiving a petition couched in such terms. The resto-, ration of a safe and honourable peace was constantly in the contemplation of ministers; yet they must not be considered deficient in the feelings of humanity, if they gave it as their sincere conviction, that the evils referred to in the petition, might not perhaps be remedied by such a peace as could at this moment be obtained. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. Mr. Ponsonby's motion for such papers as furnished ministers with accounts of the information, such as they had received, of the acquiescence of America to the decree of France for the prohibition of British commodities, was negatived without a division. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved a prohibitory clause in the bill before the house, respecting cotton and bark, to prevent them reaching the enemies territory. With respect to the latter article, this prohibition would be severely felt, as it was of singular utility in their armies; and as within the short time that the excluding system had already prevailed, it had risen from 10s. to 70s, (A French Sous is of the value of an English halfpenny.) per lb. in Paris.—Agreed to. A debate took place as to the time and manner of considering the charges against the Marquis Wellesle ky; but it was determined that the Oude charge should be taken into consideration on Tuesday se'nnight. Tuesday, Feb. 23. Colonel Stanley presented a petition for peace, from Oldham, in Lancashire. Wednesday, Feb. 24. -- Lord Castlereagh presented a message from his Majesty, stating that he had granted a pension of 20001. per ann. to the present Lord Lake, and to the two next male heirs to the title. He further gave notice, that he would, on Monday next, move for a committee to take his Majesty's most gracious message into consideration; and also to submit a motion for an address to his Majesty, that a monument should be erected to the memory of the late Lord Lake. Mr. Tierney moved for a committee of the whole house on trade and navigation, to inquire into the policy and legality of the late orders in council. Mr. Perceval objected to the mode proposed, as tending only to unne cessary delay, the committee of ways and means affording abundant opportunities for discussing the me rits of the question,-The house concurred in this opinion. and resolved itself into a committee on the orders in council bill. Upon the second clause, which was introduced to prevent the exportation of Jesuit's bark, Mr. Whitbread said, that upon this clause he was determined to take the sense of the committee.There was at present a sufficient supply in France, not only of bark, but even of sugar, to answer, the consumption for two years. He therefore considered that the measure, as proposed for the pur pose of forcing the enemy to a just and honourable peace, was futile, childish, and nugatory. He objected, however, to it, more strongly on account of its detestable principle, which was revolting to every feeling of humanity. Who was this measure of retaliation directed against, and who were to suffer by this privation? It was the sick, the helpless, and the infirm. It was against the hospitals of France that our retaliation was to be directed. This very drug does not grow in our territories, but' in our enemies colonies, Would not our enemies have then the power of retaliating directly upon us? and could not Spain say,you yourselves shall no longer rereive that medicine which you wish to deprive us of? Many instances could be found in history, to shew the folly of resorting to these malicious practices; and if there were persons whose feelings were dead to what humanity prescribed even in war, those men might even, from the cold calculations in policy, learn that generosity even with an enemy was the most effectual way of carrying one's point. Mr. Perceval, in reply to the hon. member, said, that as to his supposition that there was no scarcity of bark in France, he had information that there were most pressing orders in London for bark to be exported to France, and every possible facility promised on the part of the French government. As to all those fine sentimental ideas which the hon. gentleman had expressed, about the humane mode of carrying on a civilized warfare, he should be glad if he could persuade the enemy to adopt them; but as wars had hitherto been carried on, the burdens of them often necessarily fell on the innocent and the helpless. # Mr. Hibbert stated as a proof that it was sometimes better not to retaliate, that when the French government once issued a decree that no quarter should be given to English troops, we did not attempt retaliation; and that barbarous order was never carried into execution. Mr. Lushington, Sir J. Pigott, and Mr.Tierney,supported the objection; and the latter in consideration to America, on whom the restriction would bear injuriously, moved that the clause respecting cotton and yarn should likewise be expunged. Mr. Canning, Mr. Perceval, and VOL. III. Sirs J. Nichols, and Price, justified the clauses, on which the house divided for their retention 167, for their expunction 76. At one o'clock the committee reported progress, and asked leave to sit again. Thursday, Feb. 25. Petitions were presented for leave to bring in bills for building new bridges over the Thames one opposite CatheVauxhall. Referred to a committee; rine-street in the Strand, the other at as were petitions from the city of London for improving Smithfield market. Mr. Sheridan, in a speech of much humour and argument, moved for the production of the correspondence betiary at Copenhagen, subsequent to the tween ministers and their plenipotencapture of that city.In the course of his speech he observed that no case whatever had been made out on the part of ministers to justify their conduct. First it was one thing and then another; while the real reason seemed to be a denothing but tergiversation and winding; sire to display some stout act in the face of Europe that would rival the injustice of Bonaparte; and the whole wound up with a flat denial of all full and satisfactory information. He felt himself called upon to reprobate an act, that otherwise, for the sake of the national chater, he should have been glad to justify. It was said, that it was dangerous to give information, and that it often led to the exposure and ruin of those from. whom it was derived. Such reasoning as this, however, totally overlooked the free principles of the British constitu tion, the very essence of which was the the interests of the country. It was the publicity of every thing connected with essence of despotic governments indeed to withhold information, to observe the secresy and silence of the grave, and to work in darkness. Mr. Windham, Mr. Ponsonby, Lord Folkstone, Dr. Lawrence, and Mr. W. Smith support the motion. tion from Lord Temple, stated, that it Mr. Canning, in answer to a queswas the intention of the government of this country to execute the treaty concluded with Denmark, according to the strict letter of it. Possibly, after the ratification of the treaty, some doubts might have arisen on points of policy, mark in favour of France; but he would in consequence of a declaration of Den information. In Pensilvania, where we have the power, we do not molest nor revile any inan of any religion; and thou thyself, for all thy intemperate spirit, mightest live there with full freedom. C. I live amongst you! I live amongst fanaticks! Q. I do not invite thee. There are no tithes there to allure, but there are Indians to convert. How likest thou the employment, and the terms thereof? C. Sir, I have no call there; I have employment in my own parish. Q. I hope thou hadst a call thither. C. Yes, Mr. Pert, to preserve peace and religious order; though you are an enemy to all order. Q. Thou hast not a more orderly man in thy parish: and many of thy flock arc very disorderly, especially upon holidays, which, I think, are part of your order, and celebrated with drunkenness, and with breaking my windows. C. Did I exhort them to it? Q. No; thou didst only paint out quakers to them, as a people not fit to live amongst christians. C. I preached what I thought it my duty to preach. Q. And they practised what they thought thou hadst taught them to practise. C. If you would wisely remove to Pensilvania, you might live there with freedom, you know. Q. So I would, if my affairs would let me; as I might here, under the protection of the law, if thou wouldst let me. Let me tell thee, friend, for the credit of the quakers government in Pensilvania, there is not a more thriving colony in America. They encourage and protect all men, and persecute none: they are friendly to the savage Indians, who come freely into their houses by day, and by night; and any man in a quaker's habit may travel safely and singly through all the nations of North America, who will be ready to receive and assist him. C. The quakers are obliged to live peaceably with their neighbours: you know they must not fight. Q. Knowest thou any better way to avoid fighting, than a peaceable spirit? and ought not all men to avoid fighting? The quakers, since their first establishment there, have had no wars it is not so in New England, where men, 2 like thee, are for spiritual dominion, and trust to the sword. There they use the poor natives ill, who therefore make frequent incursions upon them. Men who will take away by violence the lands and goods of others, and domineer over them, must fight to defend what they do. The quakers have hurt no man, and no man offers to hurt them. C. Commend me to their human prudence! The quakers will make no man their enemy by their zeal for christianity. Q. Friend, thy abuse ends in praise. The quakers use no man as an enemy for his religion; and they who do, have not zeal, but fury and fanaticism. Our Saviour and his Apostles had no such zeal. Ill usage, fierceness, and barba, rity, convince no man; nor is any man made a christian by rage and power. C. It would be a great pity that such as you should make any. A pagan converted into a quaker, makes but a sorry exchange. Q. Those words would fit the mouth of a pagan better than thine; and a quaker is better qualified to reason with a pagan, than thou art. We have nothing to desire of him but to be a christian, and we gain neither money nor authority by his conversion. But with what face can such as thou art tell a nation of heathens: "Gentlemen, be "of my religion, and in requital I will "be your lord and master, and take "the tenth of all you have, and all else "that I can get: none of which can ever "return to you again, let me use it, or "abuse you how I will." And yet can men of thy spirit and pretensions reason in sincerity at any other rate with any set of men in the world? C. The man raves.-Can people pay too much for their souls? Q. They ought to pay nothing: the blood of Christ is already paid. Is not that sufficient? And dost thou really confess that thou wouldst not save souls without payment? C. I will bear no more.-This is audacious beyond human patience. Q. Doctor, nothing is beyond christian patience. C. Too much liberty makes you insolent. We shall find some other way of confuting you. Q. Thou meanest force, which is the champion of bad reasoning, and a bad cause. C. Hold your tongue, prater. C. It is pity thy breath were not restrained. Q. Friend, may God of his great mercy forgive thee. Farewell. KING MAKING. "What! will the line stretch out to th' "crack of doom!"—SHAKESPEARE. BONAPARTE makes and unmakes Kings, and obliges them to change places and territories, with as much levity as we have seen puppets danced about at a puppet shew.The Queen Regent and the young King of Etruria have been removed from the stage, and are to make their appearance in some other scene, under some other title, which they will be suffered to keep, till it suits the King-maker to put some other puppets in their places.--He began with `making himself Emperor of France -and next King of Italy. The Master manager then thought it necessary to create a number of dependent Kings and Princes, and to change the titles of others. With a kind of harlequin speed he touched the Emperor of Germany, and he was changed into an Emperor of Austria." Quick,presto, be gone!" the scene changed, and crowns descend upon the heads of the Electors of Bavaria and Saxony, and the Duke of Wirtemberg. Another change of machinery, and brother Joseph is converted into a King of Naples, while brother Louis is transformed into a King of Holland, and brother Jerome into a King of Westphalia!-A Duke of Tuscany vanishes, and up starts a King and Queen of Etruria. Portugal is to be given away, and the King of Spain may have it, provided he will consent to the creation of a kingdom of Leon and Cas Kings of Helvetia, Franconia, Dalmatia, Arragon, Leon & Castile, The Alps The Appennines, Balearic isles, Corsica, &c. DEFENCE OF THE WAR, &c. To the Editor. To attempt a particular refutation of all those sentiments contained in your last Review of public affairs, which in my opinion deserve to be refuted, I have neither time nor inclination. There are some things in which I agree with you, and those in which I do not, I must attempt to answer in the lump, if you will allow me the use of a vulgar, though expressive phrase. The discussions on the Danish expedition in the house of Commons, I have read till I am not able to read them any longer; I have read them till I am sick and tired; for all that can be said on both sides may be comprised in ten lines.-Necessity is the only plea that can be used on the one side, and I do conceive that necessity to be so clearly proved as to admit of no argument on the other; for though cruelty and injustice may be pleaded against the expedition, yet I should be glad to know if there was ever any war which was not in some degree stained with these crimes but in the present contest, Bonaparte has carried them to such an excess, as to justify any means this nation may resort to either for attack or defence;-and on this rests the able justification of ministers in their conduct to Denmark. You who see nothing wrong in the actions of Bonaparte, and nothing right in the conduct of administration because they are the disciples of Pitt, of course will see nothing to justify a departure from those rigid principles of justice, which I unwillingly allow, in accommodation to the mixed nature of man, cannot always be adhered to, and there we join issue; we are both free from any personal interest in the affair; but I must be permitted to say that you are more under the influence of passion than I am, and that you are determined to see the subject only in one light, and never to alter an opinion you have once maintained. To the vote of thanks I do not object because the service performed was not consonant to the principles of religion and justice, because no military service is strictly conformable to either; but because the commanders performed no extraordinary achievement which entitled them to so high an honour: they did as they were bid, and there was little room to do more, against a defenceless city, and a people almost unarmed!-Should the letter Lord Cathcart is said to have written to General Peyman, be authentic, I should not be surprised, but I should reprobate it as an unnecessary expression of cruelty.As to the feelings of the two evangelical admirals I do not conceive them to be the least more tender for their professions of christianity; for many men have shewn that the profession of christianity is consistent with the utmost violence and intolerance, both of conduct and sentiment. For the men who ordered or directed the Danish expedition, I entertain no sentiments of esteem or respect, nor do the merits of that measure depend at all on their private characters: all that can be said of them is, that they felt as men ought to feel, who are entrusted with the safety of their country, and they acted accordingly; and though I reverence the conscientious scruples of those who have reprobated their conduct, I am happy they had no share in the public councils: such timid policy is not suited to these times, when we are contending with a man who is restrained by no law, human or divine, in the indulgence of his ambition. The exposure which has already taken place of Sir Home Popham, I rejoice at sincerely, as tending to degrade a man who has hitherto undeservedly enjoyed a considerable share of ministerial and popular favour. His prodigal waste of the public money in the East Indies, his plundering expedition to Buenos Ayres, and his insolence, vanity and indelicacy in forcing himself upon the public notice, by his conduct at Lloyds, and his speech at Guildhall, have given me a degree of disgust to his character which I feel it dif ficult to express, or to conceal. To your remarks on Mr. Cobbett's Register, I feel myself compelled to devote the principal part of my attention, because they appear to me the most important article in your whole Review. For the character and sentiments of Mr. Cobbett, I entertain no very violent respect; and his public inconsistencies I never can reconcile to my ideas of right and wrong; but I am not one of those, Mr. Flower, who can see no merit in a man, because there are many things in him they dislike. Mr. Cobbett I neither wholly admire, nor wholly detest; |