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duty instantly determined him to give back the throne. But a short time after, the King his father abdicated it in his own name, and that of his whole race, in favour of the Emperor of the French, in order that the Emperor, consulting the good of the nation, should determine the person and race which should hereafter occupy it.

"Their royal highnesses, in this state of things, considering the situation in which themselves stand, and the difficult circumstances in which Spain is placed-considering that, under these circumstances, any attempt on the part of the inhabitants of Spain for the main tenance of their rights, would be not only useless but ruinous, and could tend only to make streams of blood flow, and to render certain the loss of at least a great part of her provinces, and that of all her trans-marine colonies-Being further convinced, that the most effectual means of preventing these evils, is that their royal highnesses, for themselves, and all connected with them, should assent to the renunciationof their rights to the throne, a renunciation already executed by the King, their father; taking also into consideration, that his Majesty the Emperor of the French engages, in this case, to maintain complete the independence and integrity of the Spanish Monarchy, and its transmarine colonies, without retaining the smallest of its dominions for himself, or separating any part from the whole; that his Imperial Majesty engages to maintain the unity of the catholic religion, the security of property, and the continuance of the existing laws and usages which have for so long a period of time, and in so indisputable a manner, preserved the power and honour of the Spanish nation. Their highnesses conceive that they afford the most undoubted proof of their generosity, and their affection towards it, and their eagerness to return the

ardent attachment which it bears towards them, by sacrificing, to the utmost extent of their power, their individual and personal interests for the benefit of that nation, and by this present instrument to assent, as they already have assented in a particular treaty, to the renunciation of all their rights to the throne. They accordingly release the Spaniards from all their duties in this respect, and exhort them to consult the common interests of their

country, by conducting themselves in a peaceable manner, and by looking for their happiness to the power and wise arrangements of the Emperor Napoleon. The Spaniards may assure themselves that by their zeal to conform their conduct in those arrangements, they will give their Prince and the two Infants the strongest proof of their loyalty; in like manner as their royal highnesses give them the greatest example of their paternal affection, by renouncing all their rights, and sacrificing their own interests for the happiness of the Spaniards, the sole object of their wishes.

(Signed) "I, THE PRINCE.

"CARLOS and ANTONIO." Bourdeaux, May, 12 1808.

Madrid, May 13.-The Grand Duke of Berg resides now in the palace. The public service goes on as usual. Perfect repose reigns in the city. We expect every moment tidings of the choice of our new King. The abuses of every kind which exhausted our country, would and without doubt we should not at last have brought it to destruction, have escaped the horrors of a bloody revolution. Now we entertain the hope that our new Sovereign will gradually, and without violence, restore our old Monarchy to its youth again, and that our longing for ame lioration and reform will be at length gratified.

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heart has been penetrated with the most poignant grief, on being informed of the order given by the French General to so many members of the sacred college, to quit Rome within three days. His holiness, who clearly sees that this measure tends to overthrow the empire of the church, since those members are removed from his person who are necessary to the direction of his affairs, and at last his minister, his vicar,—cannot in conscience permit this departure. He prohibits, therefore, every one upon his oath of obedience to remove from Rome, unless absolutely compelled by force: and his holiness foreseeing this case, that after having torn your eminence from his bosom, you might be left at a certain distance from Rome, is of opinion that you should not continue your journey, unless compulson should be used, to the place designated to you, in order that it

may be a matter of public notoriety that your removal from the head of the church has not been voluntary, but from compulsion. The virtues of all the individuals who have received the order to depart, alone support the afflicted soul of his holiness, and are a pledge to him, that according to his example, they will support these persecutions with patience, and that the sentiments of the sacred college, far from being weakened, will be strengthened.”

Though this piece had been sent to the cardinals before their departure, it did not prevent some of them from going voluntarily to the places pointed out to them. M. Lefebre, who, after the departure of M. Alquier, remained in this city, in the quality of Charge d'Af faires from France to his holiness, has just set out to Paris, carrying with him all the papers and archives of the legation.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, May 2.

On the motion of Lord Eilenborough, a bill was brought in, read a first time, and ordered to be printed, for the relief of persons detained in prison under executions for sums not exceeding 201. exclusive of costs; according to which, the debtor is to be entitled to his release at the expiration of 12 calendar months, from the period of his first confinement, leaving a power to the creditor to proceed against his effects, in the same manner as if the debtor had never been arrested.

From Tuesday May 3d. to Saturday May 7, the house was engaged in reading the bills in their several stages.-Adjourned to Monday.

Monday, May 9

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Lord Hawkesbury moved the order of the day for the second reading of the Reversion bill. His lordship briefly expressed his approbation of the principle of the present bill, as contrasted with that which had been recently rejected."

Lord, Redesdale did not feel his objections to the measure in any degree removed by what had fallen from the noble secretary of state. Looking at the circumstances in which it originated, and under which it was persevered in, he considered it as the first step to a series of innovations which might lead to the destruction of our present admirable constitution, and the erection of a republican government on its ruins!

Lord Grosvenor considered the Bill

as weak and inefficient compared with the former one, which manfully and at once, abolished the power of reversionary grants; but so far as it went, he gave it his cordial support.

Lord Moira repeated his former objections to the measure, and the principal of which was, that it could not produce any saving to the public, though it might have the effect to reconcile them to the new system of assessed taxes. It could have no possible operation but in the way of deceit.

Lord Morton opposed the bill, conceiving it to be a dangerous interference with the prerogative, and an attempt to touch upon the independence of their Lordships.

Lord Holland supported the Bill. Though it did not go the length of the original measure, he was grateful to ministers for the part which they took upon this occasion. He hailed it as a victory and triumph over the faction of secret influence which had pervaded the whole of the present reign, and perpetually stept in to intercept and blast the hopes and wishes of the people.

Lord Somers approved of the measure, as a signal defeat of that faction who called themselves the king's friends; and who belong to no party, and holding no responsible situation, assumed to themselves the un'constitutional power of directing the - councils of the state.

The question was then put and carried without a division; and the bill was accordingly read a second

time.

Wednesday May 11. The militia-pay bill, militia-Subalterns bill, and Irish militia Stamp Duty bills, were read a first time.

Thursday May 12.

On the motion of Lord Hawkesbury, an address was voted, assuring his majesty of the disposition of the house to concur in promoting the object of his message, relative to ma

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Tuesday, May 17.

The assessed Taxes bill, and paymaster-general's audit bill, with 21 enclosure and road bills, were received from the Commons, and read a first time.

Lord Sidmouth rose to address their lordships on the subject of the Danish vessels detained previous to a declaration of hostilities. It appeared from the papers on the table, that the vessels of this description seized in the ports of Great Britain alone, amounted to 320; and that their value would fall very little short of two millions sterling. He contended, that every consideration of justice, as well as sound policy, required that parliament should advise his majesty not to dispose of the proceeds of these vessels under the present circumstances. His lordship expatiated at considerable length on the state of secu rity in which the Danes conceived themselves in their commercial relations with this country, and insisted

that it was essential to the vindication of the honour, dignity and jus tice of the nation, that the proceeds of these vessels, and particularly those which had previously been ordered to be restored, should not be subject to the ordinary law of confiscation. He strongly urged the propriety of appropriating a part of this fund to the indemnification of the British merchants whose effects have been sequestered in Denmark.-He concluded with moving several resolutions to the above effect.

The Lord Chancellor restated his arguments respecting the alledged violation of the law of nations, and contended that in adopting the measures of which the noble viscount disapproved, we had only acted in conformity with precedents, the just exercise of the rights enjoyed by his majesty. His lordship concluded 'with moving the previous question.

Lords Erskine and Ellenborough, asserted, on the other hand, that the transactions to which the present motion related had no parallel in our history. It should be recollected, that In the present instance we were the aggressors; while in all others, in which we had pursued a similar conduct, the aggression began with other

countries.

Lord Hawkesbury referred the Noble and learned Lords to what had been done by administrations with which they were connected with regard to Spain, Holland, and Russia, and would be glad to know how those cases differed from the present. Lord Stanhope spoke for the resolutions.

The house then divided on the first resolution. For the previous question 35; against it 16.

While strangers were excluded, another division took place, on the other resolutions, when the numbers were-Contents 16, non-contents 37.

Wednesday, May 18. Counsel was heard in the Rox burgh estate appeal cause; and seves ral bills were read.

Thursday May 19.

The bishop of Exeter introduced a bill for suspending a certain part of the marriage act, in regard to some marriages which had irregularly taken place in his diocese, which was read a first and second time.

The order of the day for the second reading of the Indictment bill being read,

Lord Stanhope represented the bill as one of the most mischievous which had ever come from the other house. His lordship contended, that the power given by this bill of holding to bail, or imprisoning previous to trial, persons charged with trifling misdemeanors, was unconstitutional. No attempt had been made to shew that such an alteration was necessary; and he would contend that it would prove a most grievous oppression to the poor man. His lordship also objected to the provision for trying the accused in his absence, by putting in a plea of appearance, should he himself fail to do so.-He concluded with giving his negative to the second reading.

Lord Holland condemned the bill as being an unnecessary innovation in itself; and quoted the opinions of chief Justice Holt and Hales, to shew that the proceeding by indictment was the most consonant to the principles of the common law. Upon that proceeding the party accused might be held to bail. He could not, therefore, see any necessity for the bill, and he apprehended that the onus probandi in this case lay with those who supported the bill.

Lord Ellenborough contended, that the bill gave no authority to the court of King's Bench which it did not at present possess, according to every analogy which regulated its powers in other cases. A party ma liciously accused had an advantage in the trial by information, which he had not in the trial by jury. His lordship then went on to shew, that in the provision for putting in appear.

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ance, the framer of the bill was actuated by the humane motive which led to the 35th of the King, in revenue cases, which was that of preventing persons from lying in gaol, who, from poverty, could not sue out a habeas, or enter an appearance in the usual forms.

Lord Erskine saw an extreme probability, that in times of violent party-spirit, the provisions of the present bill might be used as an engine of the greatest oppression.

The Lord Chancellor abstained for the present from delivering any opi, nion on the provision respecting holding parties to bail on the information of the Attorney-General.-The other parts of the bill were, in his opinion, deserving of going before a committee.

Lord Lauderdale objected to the bill.

Upon a division, the second reading was carried by 17 to 7.

Friday, the 20th, Saturday the 21st, and Monday the 23d. the house read the bills in their several stages.

Tuesday, May 24.

On the motion of the Duke of Norfolk, there was ordered to be laid before the house, a return of the non-resident clergy for the last four years.

The order for going into a committee on the indictment bill being read, Lord Erskine, in a speech of impressive argument and great eloquence, opposed it, as a measure uncalled for, and trenching on the vital principles of our constitution.

After considerable intervals, first, Earl Stanhope, and afterwads Lord Holland, followed on the same side, each of them expressing their astonishment, that the arguments of their noble and learned friend, if they were not admitted to be unanswerable, and, of course, destructive of the bill, did not receive some reply. Ministers chose, however to allow the measure to pass, on their part, sub silentio.—On a division on

the question for going into a committee, the numbers were, Contents 15, non-contents 6.-Immediately on the division taking place, Lords Erskine and Holland left the house.

Earl Stanhope, though he commended the conduct of his noble friends who would not be present while such a pernicious bill went through a committee, staid himself for the purpose of seeing what should be done in it. He submitted several amendments in the committee, all of which were negatived, without a word being adduced in opposition to them. His lordship then hastily quitted the house, exclaiming that he would leave their lordships to account for their conduct to God, their consciences, and their country."-The bill was then ordered to be reported.

Wednesday, May 25.

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The Royal assent was given by commission to 96 public and private bills.

Lord Grenville moved, that the catholic petition be read, which being done, his lordship proceeded to address the house, and in the course of a dignified and impressive speech, he observed, that although the decision which had elsewhere taken place was hostile to the immediate grant of their claims, yet the discussion had been marked with a tone of temper and moderation, from which every thing was to be expected at no remote period; and should the petition not meet with the success this night he hoped it would, yet he trusted it would be agitated

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