with the production of the colonies, which must, under the existing laws be carried and deposited there, whether there shall or shall not be a prospect of exportation. The excess of importation, above the consumption of the United Kingdom, is nearly two-fifths of the whole quantity, or above 100,000 hogsheads of sugar; but the loss of two-fifths of the gross produce of his estate will be far from the measure of the planter's damage; the remainder can neve bear a fair price, whilst the quantity in the market so far exceeds what the consumer requires. Which excess and depression are increased by encouraging a licensed intercourse with the Island of St. Domingo or Hayti. 8th, The excessive duties which continued to be levied on this staple now bearing no proportion to the price, falling nearly, if not wholly, on the grower, and not as has been at all times intended or professed, on the con

sumer.

To these may be added the discourgement to the planters by the consumption, in the navy and otherwise, of foreign brandies and spirits, the use of which might be in a great measure superseded by rum. A policy infringing the system of reciprocal monopoly, and aggravating distress, which more liberal conduct towards the colonies might have alleviated.

Continuing upon coffee a duty, amounting to a prohibition, in place of endeavouring to bring this wholesome beverage into general use, must be a just subject of complaint to the inhabitants of this island, and must by the committee be adverted to, as affecting the price of an important staple, which may soon be excluded from the continental market, through the only channel open to the grower.

But the overwhelming distress of the sugar-planter, swallows up all inferior and less pressing evils. What

has been long known and felt here, has been lately fully proved before a committee of the house of Commons, that, from the operations of the causes which we have only briefly adverted to, the great staple of the British West-Indies, sugar, does not sell in the markets of the mother country for the duties, with the expences and charges of sending it there. And that, with the excep tion, of a few plantations on a very large scale, or under circumstances peculiarly fortunate, whatever is left to the planter, for the support of his family, or the satisfaction of his creditors.

no revenue

The committee need hardly represent that the only permanent source of taxation must be the clear revenue of the individuals composing the society, who give up a proportion of it to the general use, and for the common sufety, in whatever that proportion may be raised. Ifa community shall ever be reduced to that calamitous situation, when the whole clear income of the proprietors of the soil shall have been put in requisition for the treasury, there can remain in that country objects of iegitimate taxation.

few

It has been proved beyond the possibility of being controverted, that the cultivators of sugar in this island, comprehending both landholders and farmers, are, with very few exceptions, in the unfortunate state supposed, even if they were exempt from the burthen of debts.

The greatest proportion of the taxes of this country is raised on this body of proprietors directly, and a considerable share of the remainder indirectly, through various classes of the inhabitants, whose chief means of support are drawn from the sugar plantations.

It were vain to search for means of levying part of a revenue that, does not exist. And it is painful to the committee to state, that it will be impracticable to continue to raise

within this island, those contributions which were chearfully paid in happier times, unless the sugar planters shall be enabled to support their share of the public burthens, by some radical, effectual, and permanent, measures, which shall restore and ensure to them an income, bearing a just proportion to their large capitals, on which our local taxes have been heretofore chieffy assessed.

That, from the unexpected sums which have been, and may be, collected, from the extraordinary importation of Africans, as before stated, and the unexpected falling in of debts due to the public, it may be practicable, with rigid economy in all other branches of the public expenditure, to continue such subsistence another year. And the committee recommend to the house to vote sums necessary for giving the said additional subsistence to the 31st day of December, 1808. The committee humbly hope, that, on a faithful representation to our most gracious Sovereign, of the calamitous situation to which his loyal subjects of this island are reduced, his Majesty, with his accumstomed benevolence, will recognize the uniform zeal with which the voluntary contributions towards the comfort of his Majesty's troops in this island have been made, whilst the inhabitants had the means: and, considering the state to which proprietors, once opulent, are reduced, that his Majesty will be pleased to direct his ministers to adopt such measures as shall be necessary for protecting this yet important colony from the general funds of the empire, to which it contributes so large and disproportionate a share. And the committee recommend to the house to appoint a committee to prepare a most humble address to his Majesty, setting forth these our grievances and oppressions, earnestly beseeching his Majesty's commands on his minis

ters to adopt proper measures for our relief and redress.

Ordered, that Mr. Stevenson, Mr. Grant, Mr. Whitehorne, Mr. Sims, and Mr. Finlayson, be a committee for that purpose.

2. Resolved-That this house, for itself, and on the part of its constituents, and of all other persons in any manner concerned in the welfare of this island, do, in the most solemn and decided manner, protest against the act of the impe.ial parliament, passed on the 25th day of March last, entitled, an act for the abolition of the slave trade,' not only as a breach, on the part of government, of the conditions under which his Majesty's subjects embarked in the settlement of this island, but as a novel, unjust, and unconstitutional interference with its internal government and affairs calculated to defeat and subvert our laws, to deprive us of our dearest birth-right, the trial by jury, to raise envy and jealousy in the breast of the settled negroes; subversive of an ancient and admitted princi ple of the British constitution, that no laws can be binding on those who are not represented in the parlia ment which enacts them, placing not only our rights and properties, but also our lives, in the most imminent danger, and tending to pro mote disaffection in the minds of his Majesty's most loyal subjects.

3. That the legislature of this island has, and ever had, the exclusive and absolute right to enact its own laws, and to regulate entirely its internal government and affairs :—That the imperial parliament hath not, nor hath any other power upon earth, the most distant right to interfere therein (except only his Majesty, in the instance of disallowing the laws here made); and that in support of the dearest rights and liberties of our fellow subjects, it is our duty, by all constitutional means

in our power, to resist the attempt that has been, and every attempt that may be made, to destroy or to abridge that right.

4. That this house, in more fortunate days, when the situation of the inhabitants of this island was different; and when the burthens and restrictions imposed by Great Britain were infinitely less oppressive than they now are, has never failed in shewing the strongest disposition to render the situation of his Majesty's troops in this island most comfortable; and that this house is still influenced by the same disposition, but is totally deprived of the same

means.

5. That the usual pay and subsistence granted to his Majesty's white troops stationed in this island, to the extent of 3,000 men, be continued to them until the 31st of December, 1808; in the first place by exhausting the funds to arise from the duties on new negroes, under the act commonly called the additional duty bill, and as to the deficiency out of the monies to arise from some or one of the other money-bills to be passed this session.

6. That the abolition act, by its totally destroying, for the future, the customary revenue under the Negro duty bill, by its baneful effects on our ordinary resources, and its general tendency to overwhelm the unfortunate settlers and inhabitants of the island, in combination with the excessive duties and charges on our produce, and the well-known distress of the colony, render us totally unable to make any provision for his Majesty's troops, beyond the period above-mentioned, nor can we contemplate a renewal of such grants, until, by a redress of our grievances, the minds of our constituents respecting our constitutional rights shall be quieted, and the possession of the means shall again enable us to bear so heavy a burden.

of a

7. That, under the pressure heavy public debt, and of individual distress, now actually felt and become insupportable; and from the prospect of the calamities which must be the inevitable consequence of the abolition act, it is absolutely necessary to relieve all ranks, by moderating the taxes, and by retrenching the public expenditure in every possible manner, even in some cases of acknowledged public benefit and advantage. That the vote of the house, refusing the annual grant of 15,000l. for roads at a distance from the sea, by which internal settlers, who so much augment our strength, are discouraged, should be followed up by a resolution to suspend for the present all grants for public buildings and barracks, except in a limited degree, and under very apparent necessity.

8. That the further prosecution of the measures about to be adopted in the imperial parliament for the relief of the sugar-colonies; the repeal in toto of the abolition act; or, if that cannot be effected, the absolute repeal, at least of all the obnoxious and unconstitutional enactments thereof, coupled with a full compensation to the island for its losses, sufferings, and disappointments, in consequence of the abolition of the trade; the adoption by the British government of the means of affording general protection to this colony at the general expence of the empire; and, above all, an abandonment by the imperial parliament of every pretension to an interference with our internal government or affairs, are objects of the highest importance to this island, and call for the immediate, the serious, and most energetic atten tion of the island agent.

A postscript to the St Jago de la Vega gazette, of October 29, contains a long report, made by a committee of the house of Assembly of

At our Royal Palace at Milan, Dec. 17, 1807. Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and protector of the Rhenish confederation:-Observing the measures adopted by the British government, on the 11th of November last, by which vessels belonging to neutral, friendly, or even powers the allies of England, are made liable, not only to be searched by English cruizers, but to be compulsorily detained in England, and to have a tax laid on them of so much per cent on the cargo, to be regulated by the British legislature:

Observing that by these acts the British government denationalizes ships of every nation in Europe, that it is not competent for any government to detract from its own

independence and rights, all the Sovereigns of Europe having in trust the sovereignties and independence of the flag; that if by an unpardonable weakness, and which in the eyes of posterity, would be an indelible stain, such a tyranny was allowed to be established into principles and consecrated by usage, the English would avail themselves of it to assert it as a right, as they have availed themselves of the tolerance of governments to establish the

infamous principle, that the flag of a nation does not cover goods, and to give to their right of blockade an arbitrary extension, and which infringes on the sovereignty of every state; we have decreed, and do decree, as follows:

Art. I. Every ship, to whatever nation it may belong, that shall have submitted to be searched by an English ship, or to a voyage to England, or that shall have paid any tax whatsoever to the English government, is thereby. and for that alone, declared to be denationalized, to have forfeited the protection of its King, and to have become English property.

Art. II. Whether the ships denationalized by the arbitrary measures uf the English governmernt, enter into our ports, or those of our allies, or whether they fall into the hands of our ships of war, or of our privateers, they are declared to be good and lawful prizes.

Art. III. The British islands are declared to be in a state of blockade both by sea and land. Every ship, of whatever nation, or whatsoever the nature of its cargo so may be, that sails from the ports of England, or those of the English colonies, or to countries occupied by English troops, is good and lawful prize, as contrary to the present deciee; and may be captured by our ships of war or our privateers, and adjudged to the captor.

Art. IV These measures, which are resorted to only in just retaliation of the barbarous system adopted by England, which assimilates its legislation to that of Algiers, shall cease to have any effect with respect to all nations who shall have the firmness to compel the English government to respect their flag. They shall continue to be rigorously in force as long as that government does not return to the principle of the law of nations, which regulates the relations of civilized states in a

state of war. The provisions of the present decree shall be abrogated and null, in fact as soon as the English abide again by the principles of the law of nations, which are also the principles of justice and of honour.

All our ministers are charged with the execution of the present decree, which shall be inserted in the bulletin of the laws.

NAPOLEON.

As a Supplement to this decree there is in the official journal the following circular letter, addressed by the minister of the interior to the chambers of commerce.

You are not unacquainted, gentlemen, with the late acts of the British government, that last stage of the oppression of the commerce of the world; you know that it has resolved to destroy the feeble remains of the independence of the seas. It now thinks proper, that henceforth no ships shall navigate the seas without touching at its ports, without a tribute to its pretended sovereignty; and without receiving from it an ignominious licence.

Thus the ocean is henceforward only the field of slavery; the usurpation of the most sacred of the rights of nations is consummated, and this tyrannic yoke is to press upon them until the day of vengeance, or until brought to a due sense of moderation, the English government will itself calm its rage and break that sceptre to which the nations of the continent will never consent to submit.

I am calling our common attention to the important circumstances which must powerfully induce us to awake your patriotism and your wisdom. One would have iamgiued, that every obstruction and restraint that clogged the course of the commerce on the continent, had been exhausted; still, however, they are

going to be aggravated by the measures lately adopted by England ; but they will find our minds made up to struggle against, and to overcome, this new mode of oppression.

We must not shut our eyes to the consequence. Importation and exportation, already so much restricted, will soon be much more so. Every thing connected with maritime commerce, every thing that depends upon it, will now be liable to more difficulties, to more uncertainty. There are, however, two channels that still remain open.

The power of attacking every ship that renounces the independence of its national flag, by a shameful submission to British sovereignty, and by navigating under a British licence, will open a wide field to the hopes of our commanders. Such a resource will not prove ineffectual and French commerce will not devote itself uselessly to that sort of warfare which never lets courage, dexterity, and decision, go unrewarded.

We have moreover to hope that neutral ships will elude the vigilance of the English cruizers; the immense extent of the coasts of the empire will favour and protect their enterprises.

These resources ought not to be undervalued, not counted for nothing. France will submit to a temporary situation, which can only change with time, and with new exertions; but her enemy shall not deprive her of the main basis of her prosperity, her internal communication, her relations with the conti nent, where she no longer sees any but friends or allies; her soil will not be be less fertile, her industry will not maintain itself the less, though deprived of some materials which it is not impossible to replace.

To this last proposition I am rather anxious, gentlemen to direct your attention. You have advice to give, and examples to hold out to commerce. You must already