tion was forming. The guilt of the deposition and murder of the King is likewise charged on BONAPARTE. It must be evident to every smatterer in French politics, that the whole of this representation is false: that the name of Bonaparte at the period alluded to was unknown to the public, and that he had nothing to do, either directly or indirectly, with French affairs, until several years afterwards; and then only as an officer in the army. But what a front of brass must the above mentioned Editor possess, to write in the manner we have quoted, when he recollects the part which the Morning Post took respecting the flight of the French King from Paris: his conduct was the constant theme of reproach and ridicule; let the editor turn to his file, and read over a poetical piece written on the event, commencing,

"Louis the little of large France the King!"

And if he has any sense of shame remaining, let him blush for his frequent, unprincipled inconsistencies and contradictions, since that period, for his shiftings from party to party, (according to his pay); and for his numberless attempts to deceive the public.

That a French army had advanced into Spain is a fact on the one hand; and that the principal grandees had effected the revolution, whilst the French army was fifty miles from Madrid, is equally a fact on the other hand. It seems however, to be the opinion of some respectable persons of that city, that the event was effected without French influence. The public prints give the following extract of a letter from Madrid, describing the revolution, which they inform us was received by a respectable house in London.

"This revolution has been brought about solely by the old hereditary "nobility of Spain, who indignant at the insolence of the Prince of the "Peace, and despairing of the imbecile Monarch, have without the assis"tance of France, or even having any communication with that power, "made a bold effort to rescue that country from ruin, and to save the "legitimate monarchy. The names which compose the present government are of the most respectable description. The Count Florida "Blanca, who was formerly a minister of Spain, and is a man of pre"eminent talent, and a decided enemy to France ;-others are also men

tioned who are persons of exactly the same description in the adminis "tion. This change in the government is generally hailed in Spain with "enthusiastic satisfaction."

Some of the accounts farther mention that the nobles of Arragon, Valencia, and Catalonia, have offered to raise 150,000 men for the defence of the country: but we must wait for farther accounts, and events, before we can form any accurate opinion on the subject. We remark in general, that it is scarcely possible to suppose but the French Emperor will exert all his talents to turn this event to his own advantage, and to the furtherance of his vast designs. Spain is the ancient and most faithful ally of France: she is possessed of a

Revolution of Spain.-Portugal,

Ixi

considerable military and naval force, and of powerful resources. There is a sort of pride and love of independence in the nobility of Spain, who are not a set of mushrooms, created for the purpose of extending the influence of the crown, and the power of the minister of the day, and who therefore may be naturally supposed to have the real honour, the true welfare of their country too much at heart to suffer it to become a province of France. The French Emperor, although his ambition may be boundless, would scarcely venture to act a part which in his present state appears to be highly impolitic, and risk a contest with his most powerful ally, in a cause in which the whole world would pronounce justice on the side of Spain, and injustice on the side of France: but how far the French Emperor, is an adept in the new system of morality so recently adopted, and avowed as our national code by the ministers of Great Britain,-how admirably he may use the convenient and all accommodating plea of NECESSITY to justify the conquest of Spain, or endeavour to persuade the world that the measure is necessary to bring about, and secure a continental peace, it is impossible for us to determine!

PORTUGAL.

The Revolution of Portugal is similar to some of the most important events which have taken place in different ages of the world. The means by which it has been accomplished cannot possibly be defended on any of the principles of justice, or morality, and therefore ought not to be defended at all. We know not, however, what right the authors and the apologists of the Danish expedition, to whatever party they belong, or whatever professions they may inake, whether they belong to Mr. Wilberforce's school of vital christians, to the school of sceptics or infidels, or to that of our "No Popery" ministers, we know not what right any of these different votaries, religious or irreligious, have to reprobate the conduct of the French Emperor on this occasion. The conqueror of the continent may say, and with some shew of justice, that he had offered terms of peace which would have proved both honourable and advantageous to his grand enemy-BRITAIN; that various overtures of mediation from foreign powers had been made since the rejection of those terms; that a direct invitation had been recently made to the same country to send plenipotentiaries to Pa-ris, but that all these advances towards reconciliation had been rejected, and that no overtures whatever had been made in return. The language of NAPOLEAN would so far, not exceed the truth; and were he to add-That there was now an absolute necessity to employ the resources of the different powers of Europe, and to “resort “to any means of attack," by which the enemy might be compelled

to listen to reasonable terms of accommodation, what could our new morality politicians, who have in their conduct to Denmark so awfully reduced their theory to practice,-what could they possibly reply to such language? Their friend Mr. COBBETT has indeed settled the matter for them, in the easiest and most simple manner possible. "As to the affairs of nations," he observes," might alone "constitutes right. Upon various occasions, when I for my part have "had occasion to speak of the conquests of Bonaparte, I have always "said, that he had in all cases, where not prohibited by a previous

positive compact, to which he was a party, a right to make what "conquests he pleased; and that it was perfect childishness in us to "rail against him for conquering !"* We, however, who are confirmed in the truth and importance of the old system of morality, dictated by the light of nature, practised by virtuous heathen states, and strongly enforced by christianity, are more and more convin¬ ced of the absolute necessity of applying the same principles of action to public as to private conduct: and whatever may be the final result of the invasion of Portugal, we have no scruple in terming that invasion a violation of those principles which ought never to be lost sight of by either individuals or nations.

We however beg leave to add on this subject, that some of the most important events, and which have proved in their consequences the most beneficial to mankind, have been, if not accomplished, accelerated at least, by means which cannot be defended. Where is the protestant who will deny that the REFORMATION FROM POPERY was one of the most illustrious events recorded in the annals of history? But what enlightened and consistent protestant can venture to justify some of the means adopted, by, our HENRY VIII. in particular, for the accomplishment of that most important object? The same observations will apply to what is now passing in Portugal, and in Italy. Although short-sighted and erring mortals are prohibited from doing evil that good may come, they are allowed even to rejoice when good is brought out of evil. The destruction of the popish hierarchy is an event which every friend to the human race, and more especially every friend to genuine christianity, must behold with satisfaction and exultation.

The generality of our public prints have lately given us shocking details of the severities inflicted by the French at Lisbon; of regiments being disgracefully disbanded and their officers shot, As these details were drawn up by newspaper editors, and did not appear to authorised by any articles of intelligence from the foreign prints, we at the time had our suspicions on the subject: it is now understood that these accounts were without foundation. The evils insepara

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Ixini

ble from the invasion of a foreign army are in every case sufficient, and there is no occasion for invention to augment them. Dreadful accounts have likewise been given us of the famine raging in Portugal, and of numerous instances of the inhabitants of Lisbon dropping down dead in the streets in consequence! The papers which gave us these accounts now inform us, that "The latest ad"vices from Lisbon have brought the price current of merchandize "and provisions: that bread and flour are scarce, but that mutton "and beef are only about 4d. per pound, and in great plenty, as are "all sorts of vegetables. That those classes of persons who had de"pended on the court, having lost their employments by the emigration, were of course reduced to great distress. That the French "were proceeding in making considerable improvements in the city; more indeed than have been made for many years past; that the governor had ordered the cleansing and new paving of most of "the streets, which before were in very bad condition." These advices give us further to understand, that some of the changes which had been effected had not proved very grateful to certain orders of ecclesiastics, the monks, and friars, who had taken considerable offence at the general order for melting down the images of the virgin, the apostles, the saints, &c. The remark we have already made respecting the despotic governments, civil and ecclesiastical, of Europe in general, will apply to that of Portugal in particular. The whole was a disgrace to human nature, and to civilization, and it is scarcely possible to conceive any change which may take place, but what must be for the advantage of the people in general.

The accounts from ROME are very imperfect. We are somewhat curious to know what is become of the POPE, or rather of his temporal authority. Let the head of the church of Rome, or indeed the heads of any national church be deprived of their temporal, and they may be very safely trusted to enjoy their spiritual authority. Deprive ANTICHRIST, or in other words SPIRITUAL USURPATION of the sword, and of the means of corruption, and it will soon die a natural death, which GOD grant may speedily be the case in every church in Christendom, popish and protestant!

RUSSIA, SWEDEN AND DENMARK.

These Northern powers have published manifestoes to the world in defence of the war which they are waging against each other. Our readers will form their own opinions of the justice or injustice of the reasons assigned by each party. The Emperor of Russia complains of the King of Sweden in neglecting to fulfil his engagements in assisting his ally when called upon; and of the indifference with which he viewed the violent act of aggression commaitted by Britain against Denmark. His Russian Majesty alludes

"of the people. That this meeting is therefore fully confirmed "in its original opinion, that the only possible means of legal re "lief depends on a fair, free, and substantial representation of the "people! That the independent electors of Westminster have set "the glorious example! That Sir FRANCIS BURDETT has amply "performed his duty:-and that to such disinterested electors, "and to such honest representatives, have the people now only to "look up, with hope and confidence, for their preservation "from the horrible dangers that surround them." The sentiments conveyed in these resolutions are in general just, and we earnestly wish our countrymen were throughout the whole kingdom impressed with a sense of their importance; but we still think that petitions on the subject of peace, and statements of our grievances may be of use; we are confirmed in our opinion by the alarm which the public meetings already held have given to certain gentlemen in the house of Commons. Although petitions may not be immediately attended to, they may eventually be productive of much good. They may prove the means of informing the repre sentative body, and of awakening it to a sense of public wrongs and distresses. After all our complaints of ministers and parlia ments, it is certain that the people are not without blame: it is their constitutional right, which they may exercise at pleasure to represent their grievances, and petition for redress. It is their duty therefore to make use of all the means towards effecting their relief which Providence has put into their hands; and we are firmly persuaded that nothing would have a greater tendency to bring our ministers and our representatives to their senses, than the firm and united voice of the people. At any rate, by this means honest men may discharge their consciences, and let what may happen, they will possess the satisfactory reflection that they have done their duty.

REMARKS ON COBBETT'S WEEKLY REGISTER.

In our last we presented our readers with a specimen of Mr. COBBETT'S execrable sentiments on war, and the virulent abuse, slander and falsehood with which he had assailed the character of Mr. RoscoE, and the people of America. His numbers since published contain, if possible, greater outrages on truth, and on every feeling that adorns humanity, than those we have already noticed. One or two quotations will convince our readers of the correctness of our statement, Mr. Roscoe, in his excellent pamphlet, alluding to certain detestable opinions which of late years have disgraced the pulpit as well as the press, informed his readers that,— 66 By one reverend divine, we were some time since told from the pulpit, "in the face of a learned university, that the nations of the earth have no laws in common, and that where there is no law there can be no transgression: that they are to be considered, as so many wild beasts; and that "the strongest, when it has the power, has also the right to destroy the