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cannot but remark, that if the New Testament account of a church be correct, it is equally a proof of disloyalty to the sole sovereign and head of the church, Jesus Christ. Submitting the nomination of pastors or bishops to the King, or rather to the ruling statesmen for the time being, can have no other tendency than to corrupt the church, and to turn it into an engine of state. There are various other methods by which the loyalty due to an earthly sovereign may be ascertained, and secured. Of what real service can it be to the state for the sovereign to nominate bishops, unless they are like the bishops of the church of England, lords of parliament, and possessed of extensive civil authority; and this, we hope, will never be the case with the priests of the Roman catholic, of indeed of any other dissenting church; for corrupt as is the established church of England in its present state, we have no wish it should be exchanged for any other established church, nor do we believe it ever will be. Amidst all the calamities which have befallen Europe, there are some important lessons which the United States of America have well learned, which the nations on the Continent, are now learning, and which must sometime or other be learned by. the people of this kingdom. Priestcraft is falling into disrepute, civil establishments of religion are diminishing in their wealth, and con· sequently in their influence; that system which has corrupted christianity, and which has proved the source of the worst evils which ever befell the human race-THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE, is fast dissolving; and when a people are once freed from the burihen of one religious establishment, they will have little inclination to think of framing another. The “shak-* ing of the Nations," is, we hope, a prelude to the complete overthrow of ANTICHRIST--that is of civIL AUTHORITY IN MATTERS OF RELIGION.

The conduct of ministers on the motion respecting Dr. Duigenan, and on the grand subject of the catholic claims, evidently shews that they have not lost all sense of shame. So conscious were they that nothing could be said in defence of a nicasure so calculated to irri. tate the catholics, as the appointment of a man to the privy council who has at all times been their professed enemy, representing them as hostile to the state, that they were totally silent, judging it best to rely solely upon their usual majority. The motion for referring the petitions of the catholics to a committee had nearly been negatived in a similar manner, without any debate on the subject. Those weathercocks and apostates, Lord CASTLEREAGH, and Mr. CANNING were conscious of the pledges they had, together with Mr. Pıtt, made to the catholics; they were equally conscious that they were closely following the unprincipled, hypocritical conduct of their deceased master: they could not attempt to dispute the justice of the catholic claims; the whole of what they said was well

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characterised by Mr. WINDHAM. " In all their eloquence, there “ was not any thing to be found, but that the discussion would be “ inconvenient to them and their friends, and therefore that it ought “ to be deprecated.” They suspected, and not without reason, that if they did not prevent (the catholic petitions from being referred to a committee, their conduct would give offence to his MAJESTY, and of course that their places might not be perfectly safe! The love of place was paramount to every other consideration: they therefore opposed the consideration of claims which they knew to be just, under the pitiful pretence that “ the present was not the favourable period !" "

One of the most decided enemies of the catholics, and who went a farther length in displaying his enmity in the above debates than any member in the house of Commons, (except Dr, Duigenan) was that boasted professor of vital, evangelical christianity, Mr. WilBERFORCE. In his rage against the claims of Toleration, he vented a general phillipic against reformers of all kinds. “ The granting “ the prayer of the petition," he affirmed, “would not satisfy the “.catholics of Ireland, they would want something more. Reformers and innovators were never satisfied by concession.”* Such was the charitable judgment of the motives of the whole body of the catholics; such was the candid and just reflection cast on the best friends of the human race in all ages, REFORMERS; and such were the reflections of the Pharisees, cast on that grand REFORMER, JESUS CHRIST, and on his followers. It need not excite surprise, that the sincerity of Mr. WILBER FORCE's general professions of a regard to toleration, was doubted by his colleague, Lord MILTON, who reminded him not only of his uniform opposition to the just claims of the catholics, but likewise of his opposition to the equally just claims of PROTESTANT DISSENTERS! Indeed the conduct of Mr. Wilber FORCE as the friend of intolerance, has at length called forth the reprobation of a gentleman whose extraordinary partiality for the evangelical professor, has with many been a subject of sur, prise and regret. Mr. WILLIAM SMITH “ called on the hon. gen. “ tleman, with whom it gave him at all times pain to differ, to say “ where was now the liberality of which the government had to “ boast ?” Mr. WILBERFORCE, however, did not think proper to answer the call. ...

The nature and tendency of Mr. WILBERFORCE's language may. be judged of by the remarks of one of the Irish members, and which must give rise to fearful apprehensions in the minds of the best friends to the welfare of the united kingdom.-" Mr. R. “ MARTIN observed that he never felt more regret than at the in, “ fammatory manner in which this important question had been * The reports of the above debates we have taken from the Morning Post.

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“ treated by the other side of the house. An hon. gentleman did not hesitate to say, that the catholics of Ireland should be ex“ cluded on principle. This was a language which he trusted would “ pot be approved by the house. The catholics would take that hon. gentleman (Mr. WILBER FORCE) at his word. They would “ think what he said enough to make them close this discussion for ^ ever.Would that it might be closed for ever! He believed it “ would never again be brought before parliament; and he begged “ the house to mark what he said.”

Local Militia Act :-Another experiment for increasing the military force of this nation, in a way the most obnoxious and harrassing to the sober and industrious part of the community. It is me. lancholy to observe that in all the various modes which have been practised by successive administrations for defending the country, their authors have shewn their distrust of each preceding mode.. If government possessed the hearts and affections of the people, there, would be no occasion for these repeated experiments: the number : of volunteers which have for these five years past exercised themselves to arms, would, to say nothing of our militia, or regiments“ of the line, - be more than sufficient for every_purpose of defence; but it is evident, from the language of the professed author of this new bill, (Lord CASTLERE AGH), that ministers are fearful of trusting to what in a free nation, ought at all times to be a secure obo ject of trust-An army of volunteers. Exceptions, which were : made in all former bills are done away by the present :-Apprentices are to be dragged away from their employments, and to be exposed to the dissipation and immoralities of a military life. Dissenting “ ministers, “who follow any other trade,(we use the language of the bill) although there are many such who class amongst the most useful of the body, are likewise to be compelled to engage in a service the most abhorrent to their principles and feelings: but we do not wonder that statesmen consider every employment, ecclesiastical as well as civil, a mere matter of trade! They judge of the motives of others by their own.

The following observations of Sir FRANCIS BURDETT on the second reading of the above bill, well describe its prominent features. .

* I agree with the hon, niember who lately addressed the house, that the « present bill should only come from the noble lord I know none so capa. “ ble of devising a measure of its nature. To patronize or introduce into " public the severe and sanguinary code of martial law and military puif nishinent, I grant the noble Lord is most eminently fitted. He has a na. « tural predilection in their favour, and at an early age he displayed, in " the commencement of his poliuical career, his native bias amongst his "own countrymen. The Irish have, unfortunately, been sufferers by "his application of this principle in civil life, and long may it be ere this "country should permit a similar experiment to be made by the ingenuity

Ixxxvi Local Militia Act.-Marquis of Wellesley's Conduct.

“ of the noble lord. Had I fifty lives, with pleasure would I sacrifice them " all, rather than permit the country to tabour under so distressing a griev“ance. The present mode is one perfectly fitted for despotisni, but totally « imperfect as a means of collecting our strength; and is altogether such « as must unavoidably discover to the country, that any man daring to “ meddle in the military affairs of the nation, and proposing such a mea“ sure is not only an improper, but a dangerous person to fill the situation “ held by the noble lord. To profess to raise, by this mode, sixty thousand “ men, displays so much ignorance and so much weak, iss, that it cinnot but “ appear hazardous in the extreme to permit such a person to continue at “ the head of the military department. I regret the subject is one of those I " cannot speak of with coolness and temper. It is one of those which harrows “ up all the indignant feelings of mán. What are the people of this “ country to be coerced and Augged to the execution of their duty to them“ selves, their families, and their country? Shall freeinen alone be com« pelled to a sense of their duty by the terror of the lash! Putting out of " the question all the burden of personal service, and other inconveniences “ attending the measure, but which it may be absolutely necessary for the

safety of the country that each should undergo, there never was a mea.“ sure perhaps less fitrėd for the completion of its object. Similar rcqui

"sitions had been made in most of the nations in Europe, over which the French finally passed without nieeting with any thing like resistance in “ their way."

Marquis of Wellesley's Conduct. --Some of our most crying enormities in the East INDIES, committed under the administration of Marquis WELLESLEY have again attracted the attention of the house of Commons. The subject of the deposition, the imprisonment and . the death of an Eastern Sovereign was brought forward by Sir ThoMAS TURTON, and what he said may be supposed to demand the more particular attention, as, “ so far from being actuated from personal “ enmity or party feelings towards the Marquis, he on the contrary “ felt a disposition to support his politics, as they were similar to “ those of his friend, that great man Mr. Pirt." The hon. baronet after giving the most affecting details of the despotic cruelties exercised towards the unhappy prince proceeded as follows.

" As soon as the news' reached this country, it was considered a mon. “ strous thing; and Mr. Addington, who was then minister, immediately "caused directions to be sent out to emancipate him; but it was too late. The prince had died, as might have been expected, before those orders arrrived. In considering the whole conduct of the government in India to

this unhappy and much-injured Prince, he could not but pray to God, if

the noble marquis (WELLESLEY) had any hopes of acting on the theatre 6 of this country, according to the same principles on which he had govern" ed in India, that those hopes might be frustrated. He had read all the 4. books which had been written on the other side of the question, and " there was one of them which contained the most villainous and monstrous « doctrines, and pages which disgraced the writer both as a man and as an “ author. He did not mean to say that the unbappy Prince was actually " shut up in a dụngeon, hut he was equally imprisoned when he was shut “ up in his room, and not permitted to leave it. After a short time, it was

· Marquis of Wellesley's Conduct.

Ixxxvii á announced that he died of a dysentery, which had lasted twenty-one “ days. The story was, that he died of this dysentery, and he was not able * to prove that it was false. He could not pretend to assert that he was “ murdered, but he would pretend to believe it. The inipression on his « mind went beyond suspicion, and he would say, that he had not the least - doubt upon his mind, but that this voung Prince did not come fairly by “ his death. The flux lasting 21 days was not a very probable story; but “ it was probable, that when the rightful heir of the throne was put in the « power of an usurper, his life would not be of long duration. He foretold

his speedy death as soon as he was imprisoned, and there was a letter of “ bis published, which had the following expressions :-" I endeavour, under the most inortifying scenes, to make you acquainted with my unhappy s situation. You have only to picture to your mind the sad neverse, from the highest degree of human grandeur to the lowest state of human misery. The most miserable subjects, however, have the consolation of safety, whereas I am delivered into the hands of my enemy, and console myself with that idea." “ In this part of his letter he was but too prophetic; for soon after his spirit “ unfit to mix with british cruelty and perfidy departed this earth, and was, “ perhaps, now at the feet of its Creator demanding retribution against “ this country for the crimes which she had perpetrated or suffered. In “ speaking of the conduct of the English in India, he could not avoid " thinking of what Mr. Burke had said upon that subject. The moment they passed the Cape, they unbaptised themselves ; and when they landed in India, they became something like the Upus-tree, described by a Swedish traveller, that blasted and destroyed every thing that came within " the reach of its pernicious influence. The accusation against the young « Prince was so grossly unsupported by evidence, that there was no law* “ yer in the country, nor student of a year standing, that would not “ think the accusation ought to be torn, and thrown in the face of the ac“ cuser."- The hoo. Baronet concluded a most impressive, and to every inn. partial person, a inost convincing speech, by“ iinploring ministers, and “ the house, by the national faith of England which it was their duty to “ hold pure and uacontamininated, in the name of that sacred justice given " by God to man as the foundation of his happiness here and his prospects “ hereafter, sincerely to consider the importance of a question which in. • volved the honour, the interests, the character of the country, and the “ fate of our Indian territories."

The only defence set up for the Marquis, consisted of general panegyrics on his splendid and vigorous administration, and assertions of the necessity of his measures for the safety and honour of our Eastern possessions !--Sir T. TURTON's motion for an inquiry on the subject, was adjourned, but its fate may be easily anticipated.

Mr. Pitt's Birth-day.--At a period when not only this country, · but all Europe are reaping the bitter fruits of the system contrived

and obstinately persevered in under the unpriucipled and profligate : administration of Pitt, one might have imagined, that even those · who were his immediate tools and dependants would have wished - his name with his remains to have rotted in silence; but we observe

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