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political state of Europe, to which ces, by the plea now urged against We hare more than once made allu. them, that they had thought of no sion in this chapter, it appears to other danger than the sixteen sail of us that they would have incurred a the line? most fearful responsibility, if know- It has been said again, that the ing what they knew, and appre. conduct of the Danish court, at this hending what they had so much period, ought not to be judged of reason to apprehend, they had ne- with a reference to any former glected to avert the storm that was event, or portion of its general po. gathering round them, and we know licy; that its having joined in a of no better method by which they hostile confederacy against Great could have done so than that which Britain in 1801, ought not to be they employed. If there should taken as presumptive evidence of still be those who are prepared to its intention to do the same thing six dissent from these opinions, we years afterwards. If we could so far would ask only the following ques. shut our eyes to the history of our tions, upon the issue of which, the own times, as to abstract this one merits or demerits of our govern. . transaction, both in its origin, it's ment must altogether rest. Can it progress, and its consequences, really be supposed that Russia, but from every other that had come to for the expedition against Copeo. our knowledge, we might perhaps bagen, would have remained in a assent to this proposition. But as state of neutrality to this country, a country, like an individual, naand have withstood that fatal infa. turally claims the benefit of any tuation by which her sovereign has favourable interpretation to which been prompted to aid and abet its general policy may give rise, so, Buonaparte in his most atrocious we apprehend, must she submit to acts of tyranny and usurpation ? any imputation which can be fairly Would not the hostility and influ. deducible from the same source ; ence of Russia, in conjunction with and we must strongly maintain, ia those of France, have ensured the favour of the unblemished fame of combination of the three Baltic na. our public morals, which has been, vies against us? What would have on this occasion, so violently, and, been the feelings of this country, as we think, unjustly traduced, that if, at some after-period, when en. the circumstance of Denmark's gaged in other interesting pursuits, having, in 1801, so far yielded to the campaign in Portugal, or in the intluence of a third power, as to Spain, or possibly some indispen- join in hostilities against us, avowsable measures of defence on our edly at the suggestion of that power, western coast, or in Ireland, we and in contradiction to its own proshould have had farther to provide fessed wishes and interests, does against the hostilities of forty or afford most substantial ground for fifty sail of the line, accompanied by concluding that she would again do a powerful land-force in the North , so, when urged to it by a power of Sea? Would, under such circum. greater and more impending magstances, ministers have been justi. nitude. We do not see indeed fied against the reproaches of the how it is possible, in arguing the public, and of their own conscien. question, to lose sight of this pro2

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bability; and we are informed, that the prince royal was so well aware of the influence which it must have against him, that he excused his conduct on the former occasion, on the score of its not having been voluntary, but forced upon him by the emperor Paul; and vindicated his present intentions, on the ground of no such exterior influence upon them being to be apprehended. Now to us it appears, on consider. ing the circumstances of the two periods, that the influence of Buonaparte was likely to be still more conclusive than that of the emperor Paul was admitted to have been (taking their intentions and indif. ference about their menaces to be the same), because Denmark might, at that time, have resisted, with the assistance of a British squadron, any attack on her capital, and there was no Russian army at hand to threaten her continental provinces; whereas, in 1807, nothing could prevent the French from overrunning those provinces, as soon as they, from whatever motive, deter. mined so to do.

In the same spirit of impartiality which dictated the foregoing ob. servations, we must in justice say, that the system according to which we think the Danish war not only justifiable but highly commendable, was not improved to the extent of which it was capable. We consider as highly impolitic, the terms of the capitulation of Copenhagen; the attempt to negotiate with Denmark, after she had unequivocally expressed her determination to rejeet all terms of reconciliation, as undignified; and the abandonment of the island of Zealand, from the

re-occupation of which the terms of the capitulation did not preclude us, as having been productive of nearly as much evil as we derived benefit from the original undertaking.

If as historians, not of the British empire only, but of the passing events in the political world, we should be called upon to say, whether, placing ourselves in the predi cament of the Danish government, we should have recommended them to make the sacrifice that was demanded, our answer must depend upon a view of the terms on which the demand was made. If it had been made abruptly, and unaccom panied by any other proposals which might render it at once conformable to the interests and inoffensive to the feelings of the Danish nation, we should say No. But as we are told, from unquestionable authority, that, with reference to the point of feeling, it was left to the Danish government to prescribe the manner of the transaction, we conceive that the INTERESTS of that nation would have been better consulted by adhering to a policy, by which their principal dominions, their co. lonies, their commerce, and their navigation, would have been preserved entire, and independent of the yoke of France, than by form. ing that connection by which all these objects have been sacrificed, great and most oppressive burdens incurred, and by which the pro sperity of Denmark, even of those very provinces, in the vain hope of preserving which, the remainder were sacrificed, has been injured beyond the power of reparation.

CHAP.

CHAP. XV.

Partitions of power among conquering princes or military chiefs,

not a novelty.- Projected partition of Europe at the conferences at Tilsit, between Buonaparte, and the Emperor Alexander. Measures taken by Buonaparte' for carrying his design into er. ecution. Consolidation of his power at home and abroad. Flatters, cajoles, and at the same time, bridles more and more the French nation.-Continental blockade.-This a pretext for extending his conquests.--His intrigues in Spain. - Journey to

Italy - And Invasion of Portugal. HY

UMAN nature being at all cipled, and of such insatiable am

times, and in all places, the bition, fell into the snares of the same, the conduct of men is often Italian, with an imbecility bordering found to be similar, in similar cir. on insanity. The truth is, the cumstances. Partitions of power youthful mind and conduct of Álex. and territory have been made on ander, naturally weak, and prone sundry occasions, as we learn from withal to sensual gratification, was history in antient times, among so. moulded at will by favourites who vereign princes and other chiefs, at stamped it alternately, with the im. the head of immense armies; who pression of their own opposite cha. afterwards, on the very first fa. racters and interests. Ever since vourable opportunity, quarrelled, the conclusion of the reign of Ca. attacked, and destroyed one ano. therine the Great, there had been at ther. Thus Julius Cæsar became St. Petersburgh, what was called perpetual dictator, and Octavius, an anti-commercial party, in other emperor of Rome.

It was thus, words,, a faction inimical to Enthat in the decline of the Roman gland: this party was composed empire, the most powerful gover- chiefly of French emigrants, and hors of provinces first made a par- Frenchmen become subjects of Rustition of the imperial dominions sia by long residence.

These men among themselves, and afterwards insinuated themselves into many determined by the sword, which situations that gave them opportu. should wear the purple. It was on

It was on nities of exercising their talents, and the same principle of mutual aggran, indulging their natural inclination dizement, that peace was concluded to intrigue; particularly those of between Buonaparte and the Rus. tutors or preceptors in noble fami. sian emperor, Alexander, who, not lies. They breathed all the na. recollecting the danger of destroy- tional enmity of France. towards ing every barrier between himself, England; though sometimes foiled, and such a man as the ruler of they constantly renewed their at. France, so powerful, so unprin. tacks; and after the peace of Til.

day disavow this, or be for ever at war with his natural ally. How great the contrast! How direct the opposition between this, and the declaration of Russia Russia against France, in September 1806!+ In an ukase of November 1806, the government of France is called an usurpation.-Though the emperor was seduced by the promises and cajoleries of Buonaparte, the Russian nation remained friendly to the English; though by an ukase of the 10th of November, 1807, an embargo was laid on all English ships in the harbours of Russia. But, through the favour of the inhabitants, and even the officers of the revenue, the English were apprised of this beforehand so that they had time to set sail, and make their escape: which they did, with a favourable wind, to the number of eighty sail, with their cargoes, and arrived all of them safely in British harbours.

That a partition of Europe was carved out, and settled between Buonaparte and Alexander, in their conferences at Tilsit, cannot be doubted. His majesty, Napoleon, in his speech to the legislative body at the opening of one of their sessions, in August 1807, says: "France is united to the people of Germany, by the laws of the confederation of the Rhine; to those of the Spains, of Holland, of Switzerland, and the Italics, by the laws of our fe derative system. Our new relations with Russia are cemented by the reciprocal esteem of these two grand nations."-In 'the same speech, speaking of Alexander, he calls him

sit, finding that Alexander had suffered himself to be cajoled by Buonaparte, they improved every favourable occurrence to attach him more and more to France. Tutor ed by this faction, he gave out, in a proclamation or declaration*, as his principal motive, or, "that which most sensibly touched his heart," for joining in a maritime confederation against England, that she had harassed the Russian trade. His other grounds of complaint were: that the British cabinet had refused to accept his offered mediation for peace between France and England; the seizure of the Danish fleet; and that England instead of bearing a part in the late war against France, instigated by herself, and which was her own cause, had, for her own selfish ends, sent out expeditions to Buenos Avres, Sicily, Naples, and Egypt.-There was none of these grounds, except the last, that was in any degree even plausible.-Austria and Prussia, too were obliged to declare war against English commerce: but they had the modesty and good sense not to accompany their declarations with any grounds for this conduct.

The emperor of Russia farther declares in his proclamation, "that he annuls for ever, every preceding convention between England and Russia, and particularly that entered into in 1801. He proclaims anew the principles of the armed neutrality, that monument of the wisdom of the empress Catherine, and engages never to recede from that system." Most improvident declaration! Either he must one

* State Papers, p. 761.

+ See State Papers, Vol. XLVIII, 1806, p. 799. ↑ Moniteur, 17th August,

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the powerful emperor of the possession of Etruria, the states of North. By this federative sys. the church, the Hanscatic towns, tem, of which Buonaparte is the and Denmark; and to subdue absolute head and ruler, all the west Spain, Portugal, and finally Ausof Europe, with the isles belonging tria. And, while le meditati-the to Italy and the transmarine domi. extension of his conquests, it was nions of Spain, for this is implied necessary in the first place, to secure in the Spains and Italies, belongs the possession of those he had al. to himself. He makes no mention ready made, among which, France of the sovereigns of those countries herself ought to be comprehended, whose power is intended to be only and by all means, to prevent insurtemporary and nominal, but only of rection and revolt, both at home and the people. What he calls a fede abroad.-As to the French, he set rative system, on this occasion, he himself to manage them by gratify. has since denominated the Great ing their national vanity, and feed. Empire. - In short, according to ing their hopes, while he fastened Buonaparte's views and designs, more and more around their necks there are but two independent na. the rope of despotism. To shew tions in Europe,-two great em. that the interests of the capital still pires. The one under the dominion occupied a place in his mind, even of the powerful emperor of the amidst campaigns and battles, he North, and the other under his issued a decree from his camp at own. The arrangement agreed on Warsaw, January 13, 1807, for at Tilsit, has been stated in a Co. the construction of a new bridge runna gazette, August 1808 : on the Seine, in front of the Champ. “Buonaparte, or, as he affects to be de Mars, the enlargement of quays, called, Napoleon, to seize all that and the excavation of four common part of the continent of Europe, sewers, for receiving the contents which would extend in one line of the other sewers of Paris. A from the mouth of the Vistula to triumphant arch at the Thuilleries Corfu*, and confined in the other was completed on the 1st of De. directions by the Baltic, the Ocean, cember, and, about the same time, the Mediterranean, and the Adri. a magnificent fount in front of the atic. Russia was to hold the rest.” School of Medicine. Affecting to. In this statement of the partition, believe the professions of the Turkey in Europe is not excepted: French, when he was at the disit is probable that Buonaparte, who tance of 500 leagues, sincere, he

aware of the long entertained says, in his speech to his senate, designs of Russia, and the eager already quoted, “ You are a good desire of the archduke Constantine and a great people;"-vous êtes un to wear a crown, deemed it politic, bon et grand peuple. He briefly for the present, to let the cabinet stated, or rather hinted at, the of St. Petersburg, indulge its fan. measures that had been taken, and cies.

institutions established, or to be In pursuance of this project, it established, for the promotion of remained for Buonaparte to take agriculture and the arts, the revival

* Situate very nearly in the same longitude, VOL. XLIX.

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