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indicating an attitude of aggressive loyalty and zeal for the national cause.

1. Notice how the President appeals for the support of the laboring men from the very highest motives of self-forgetfulness.

2. This refers to a remark of the German Emperor, made at Hamburg in 1901, that Germany needed a navy to secure " a place in the sun.” This phrase was speedily taken up as a slogan by the PanGerman League, and was used by the Crown Prince in his introduction to “ Germany in Arms” in 1913.

3. Notice that the President answers his own questions in this and the following paragraph.

4. This paragraph should be studied with a map of Europe and the Near East at hand. It would help to make the President's meaning clear if some pupil would color a map in “appropriate black" to show the territory in Germany's possession in November, 1917. See International Year Book for 1915 and later dates, under Turkey, Communication, for further information about the Berlin-to-Bagdad Railroad.

5. The Pan-German League was organized in 1890 and has been engaged in an active propaganda to bring all European people of Germanic stock under a single flag, and to see Germany take a dominant share in the history of the world. The Pan-Germans urged the war, and since its beginning have earnestly advocated large annexations.

6. Austria-Hungary.

7. Colonel Edward M. House of Austin, Texas, a graduate of Cornell University, has been President Wilson's special representative in Europe on several occasions since 1914. Colonel House, through a long residence in England, has a large acquaintance with influential Europeans.

8. How can the power of the American spirit” prevent slacking?

9. Samuel Gompers, one of the founders of the American Federation of Labor, has been its president, with one year's intermission, since 1882.

10. Have you observed that this is the only anecdote in any of these addresses? Why would you expect it in this address rather than in any other?

11. The very familiar, even colloquial, tone of the entire speech, and particularly of this paragraph, would, of course, be utterly out of place in any other of the war addresses, It should be borne in

mind that the speech was delivered to an audience of workingmen, whereas most of his other addresses were carefully written out and read in a formal manner.

NO PEACE WITH AUTOCRACY (PAGES 77-91) When Congress met for its regular session in December, 1917, President Wilson, following the custom which he had re-introduced from Washington's day, appeared before the assembled Congress and delivered his annual message. It was his first appearance before Congress after the declaration of war in April. In the meantime preparations on an enormous scale were under way for our active participation in the war. Several hundred thousand soldiers were in France receiving their final training, and a million more were in training in our own country. The Russian revolution had developed rapidly into a state of anarchy. The Bolsheviki (see Introduction) had come into power and were on the verge of signing an armistice with the enemy. Many German troops were thus released on the Russian front and were hurled against Italy in a terrific effort to break down the Italian offensive. Italy was needing our help; a necessary preliminary thereto must be a declaration of war on Austria-Hungary

This address of the President is epochal in character. Here he gives us a definition of our war aims that can be emblazoned on our banners for all the world to read and left flying to the breeze when the war is won. Here he sounds a trumpet call for all Americans and their allies to purge themselves of ambitions for aggrandizement. In this address the President stands as the acknowledged leader of the forces of democracy, fighting for the overthrow of autocracy, as the great champion of liberalism, freedom, and progress. He has translated the dreams of the poets into the words of a practical statesman. The message has raised the war to a higher level. International morality will be better and purer because of these brave words.

1. At the beginning of each regular session of Congress each executive department submits a report for the past year to the President, who in turn submits these reports to Congress.

2. The President and Congress are the spokesmen of the American people. In what sense is this true? 3. Compare with Reply to Pope, p. 64.

4. Has it been customary among nations to make “full, impartial justice” the basis of peace, or is President Wilson sounding a new note of international morality ?

5. This formula had been adopted by the Russian revolutionists.

6. German spies and secret envoys had been very busy in Russia all summer and at the time this address was made were about to succeed in securing an armistice with Russia.

7. Generosity and justice are not wholly unprecedented in the history of the United States. For instance, the voluntary relinquishment of a considerable part of the Boxer indemnity to China was certainly an act of generosity. No other nation has voluntarily dealt with other nations in that manner. Do not all true Americans believe in fair play and in generous treatment toward defeated antagonists?

8. Through enormous loans to her almost bankrupt allies, Germany secured great power over them. German officers in the Austrian and Turkish armies are numerous and powerful.

9. President Wilson is arguing for freedom for the oppressed peoples of Europe. Is the adjective “impudent” justified here?

10. German newspapers have repeatedly charged that President Wilson was trying to force his own ideas of government upon them.

11. See the address of January 22 and accompanying notes for a more detailed description of the League to Enforce Peace.

12. That is, it might be necessary to exclude Germany from the same rights of trade which other nations enjoy.

13. The Congress of Vienna met in 1814 to readjust the European tangle after the downfall of Napoleon. It has long been noted for its cynical disregard of right and justice. Its readjustments were made solely on the basis of successful bargaining by the rulers of the states involved. The rights and wishes of peoples were utterly disregarded.

14. Read again the President's message to the Russian people and see how much of this ideal he then expressed.

15. Congress acceded to this request within a very few days with only one negative vote.

16. What is a vassal nation? Is it correct to call Austria-Hungary a vassal nation?

17. Why did Austria-Hungary stand in the way of direct action any more than did Bulgaria or Turkey?

18. Proclamations issued by the President on April 6 and November 16, 1917, had forbidden alien enemies to possess firearms, to approach within one half mile of any fort, arsenal, or navy yard, to publish any attack upon the Government, to ascend in any balloon, airplane, etc. Alien enemies were also required to register and report.

19. Prices of many articles had risen enormously and in many cases the dealers made no pretensions of any reason for increasing the price other than their ability to get more.

20. A study of the Budget System of the British Parliament would help the student to get the full force of President Wilson's recommendation. See Lowell, “ Government in England," Chapter 14.

21. There was serious congestion of freight on the railways, and some communities were almost entirely without coal and other necessities.

22. This paragraph is worth re-reading. It summarizes in President Wilson's concise, clear-cut manner the whole reason for this war. In fact, the entire peroration is in his very best style, and is deserving of the most careful study, for content, for diction, and for high moral purpose.

THE PROGRAM OF PEACE (PAGES 92–101) Rather unexpectedly, President Wilson appeared before a joint session of Congress on January 8, 1918, and addressed it on the subject of peace. The Central Powers had been conducting negotiations with the Bolsheviki government in Russia for some weeks at Brest-Litovsk, a city which had been captured in the Austro-German drive in the latter part of 1915. The address is deserving of careful study and comparison with the traditional policy of the United States of aloofness from European problems. The fact that the Central Powers desired peace has been referred to repeatedly by President Wilson. His reply to the Pope and his Buffalo address give many of the reasons why a German peace would be unsatisfactory. The addresses before us are the first official definition of the objects which the United States Government feels are essential to peace.

1. In the parleys between the representatives of the Central Powers and those of the Bolsheviki government of Russia, the German representatives at first indicated a willingness to be reasonable, but clearer definitions of their position showed they expected Russia to reimburse German citizens for losses which they had suffered as the result of


laws passed by Russia, but were unwilling to pay Russian peasants for goods commandeered by the Germans.

The Germans argued that all contributions exacted from occupied cities and territories as well as all requisitions were for supporting order and consequently should not be refunded. The German members said the Russian plan for creating an international fund to indemnify individuals for losses was impracticable and they also declared that submarine, Zeppelin, and airplane damages were not indemnifiable.

2. The text of these resolutions may be found in the Review of Reviews, August, 1917, p. 115.

3. Mr. David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Great Britain.

4. Undoubtedly one of the purposes of this address was to encourage the Russians to continue their fight for democracy.

5. Germany, it will be recalled, has repeatedly expressed a willingness to evacuate Belgium, provided that her interests there be safeguarded.

6. Does not this appeal to you as perfectly frank and fair? Does it not seem to you that fair-minded Germans would willingly accept the principles laid down by the President ?


Following the President's address to Congress on January 8th, both Count Czernin, the Austrian Foreign Minister, and Count von Hertling, the German Chancellor, made public addresses in response. The first point of President Wilson's program, that there should be “open covenants of peace, openly arrived at" seemed thus in a fair way to be realized. The address of Count Czernin might fairly be interpreted as a bid for peace, as the following quotations may show:

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“When peace has been concluded with Russia it will no longer be possible, in my opinion, to prevent for long the conclusion of a general peace in spite of the efforts of the Entente statesmen.

“Although I am under no delusion and know the fruit of peace cannot be matured in twenty-four hours, nevertheless I am convinced that it is now maturing and that the question whether or not an honorable general peace can be secured is merely a question of resistance.

“President Wilson's peace offer confirms me in this opinion. Naturally an offer of this kind cannot be regarded as a matter

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