acceptable in every detail, for that obviously would render any negotiations superfluous.

"I think there is no harm in stating that I regard the recent proposal of President Wilson as an appreciable approach to the AustroHungarian point of view, and that to some of them Austria-Hungary joyfully could give her approval."

Count Czernin leaves the case of Turkey and the questions of Germany's conquests in Europe and of her lost colonies to these countries, but makes it plain that "Austria-Hungary, faithful to her engagements to fight to the end in defense to her allies, will defend the possessions of her war allies as she would her own.' But as to Poland, the Austrian Foreign Minister adopts almost the exact language of the American President:

"We also are supporters of an independent Polish state, which would include all territories and populations which indisputably are Polish. On this point we believe we should quickly come to an understanding with President Wilson.

"Finally, in his idea of a league of peoples the President probably will meet with no opposition in the monarchy.

"As may be seen, then, from this comparison of my views with those of Mr. Wilson, we agree not only on great principles in general, according to which the world is to be newly regulated after the end of this war, but our views also approach each other on several concrete peace questions.

"The remaining differences do not seem to me great enough to lead to the belief that a discussion at this point should not bring clearness and rapprochement.

"This situation, which probably arises from the fact that AustriaHungary and the United States of America are the two great Powers among the two groups of enemy states whose interests least conflict, suggests the thought that an exchange of ideas between these two Powers might be the starting point for conciliatory discussions between all states which have not entered into peace conversations.

"I trust Mr. Wilson will use the great influence he doubtless has on all his allies that they explain conditions on which they are willing to negotiate, and he will have gained the immeasurable merit of having called a general peace conference to life."

The President, therefore, appeared before Congress on February 11th, and gave utterance to the "four principles" which must be accepted as the foundation for peace.

1. This Congress has already been referred to. If the student is not familiar with the spirit of that Congress and with the kind of peace which was made in 1815, he should review these points.

2. Three parties in the German Reichstag, the Socialists, the Centrists or Catholics, and the Radicals, united on July 19, 1917, in adopting the peace resolutions to which President Wilson refers. The text of these resolutions may be found in the Review of Reviews, August, 1917 (p. 115), and elsewhere.

3. Meaning the right of any people to determine for themselves under what rule they shall live a new phrase for the "consent of the governed."

4. This is plainly opening a door for Austria to continue the discussion of peace terms, if she is ready to subscribe to the four principles.

5. How often the President refers to himself as the spokesman of the American people. Do you notice any difference in this respect between the spirit of democracy and the spirit of autocracy?

6. This is a proud boast which few nations can make. Compare the spirit of this paragraph with the utterances of German leaders and other American statesmen. See Introduction.