where more than one exist, may live harmoniously together; but the vices bear mortal antipathy to one another, and therefore furnish, to the moral engineer, the power by which he can make each keep the other under control." Admirable ! but, upon this doctrine, the poor man who has but one single vice must be in a very bad way. Nɔ fulcrum, no moral power for effecting his cure. Whereas his more fortunate neighbor, who has two or more vices in his composition, is in a fair way of becoming a very virtuous member of society. I wonder how my learned friend would like to have this doctrine introduced into his domestic establishment. For instance, suppose tha I discharge a servant because he is addicted to liquor, I could not venture to recommend him to my honorable and learned friend. It might be the poor man's only fault, and therefore clearly incorrigible; but if I had the good fortune to find out that he was also addicted to stealing, might I not, with a safe conscience, send him to my learned friend with a strong recommendation, saying, I send you a man whom I know to be a drunkard; but I am happy to assure you, he is also a thief; you cannot do better than employ him; you will make his drunkenness counteract his thievery, and no doubt you will bring him out of the conflict a very moral personage!

CANNING.

ON GOING TO WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

If we are going to war with Great Britain, \let it be real, effectual, vigorous war. Give us a naval force (this is the sensitive chord

you can touch, and which would have more effect on her than ten armies. Give us thirty swift-sailing, well-appointed frigates they are better than seventy-fours; two thirty-six gun frigates can be built and maintained for the same expense as one seventy-four and for the purpose of annoyance, for which we want them, they are better than two seventy-fours they are managed easier, ought to sail faster, and can be navigated in shoaler water+we do not want

seventy-fours courage being equal, in line of battle ships, skill and experience will always ensure success we are not ripe for them but butt-bolt the side of an American to that of a British frigate, and though we should lose sometimes, we should win as often as we should lose. The whole revolutionary war when we met at sea on equal terms, would bear testimony in favor of this opinion Give us, then, this little fleet well appointed-place your navy department/ under an able and spirited administration Give tone to the service. Let a sentiment like the following precedelevery letter of instruction to the captain of a ship of war" Sir the honor of the nation is in a degree attached to the flag of your vessel remember that it may be sunk without disgrace but can never be struck without dishonor/" Do this cashier every officer who struck his flags and you would soon have a good account of your navy. (This may be said to be a hard tenor of service Hard or easy sir, embark in an actual vigorous war and in a few weeks, perhaps days, I would engage completely to officer your whole fleet from New England alone. /

Give us this little fleet, and in a quarter part of the time you could operate upon her in any other way, we would bring her to terms with your Not to your feet. No, sir: Great Britain is at present the most colossal power (the world ever witnessed her dominion extends from the rising to the setting sun survey it for a moment. Commencing with the newly-found continent of NewHolland; as she proceeds she embraces under her protection, or in her possession, the Philippine Islands, Java, Sumatra passes the coast of Malacca rests for a short time fruitlessly to endeavor to number the countless millions of her subjects in Hindostan + winds into the sea of Arabia skirts along the coasts of Coromandel and Ceylon stops for a moment for refreshment at the Cape of Good Hope visits her plantations of the Isles of France and Bourbon+ sweeps along the whole of the Antilles+doubles Cape Horn to protect her whalemen in the Northern and Southern Pacific oceans crosses the American continent from Queen Charlotte's Sound\to Hudson's Bay+glancing in the passage at her colonies of the Canadas, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick+thence continues to Newfoundland, to look after and foster her fisheries, and then takes her

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departure for the united kingdoms of England, Ireland, and Scotland, nor rests until she reaches the Orkneys the ultima Thule of the geography of the ancients. Such an overgrown commercial and colonial power as this, never before existed. True, sir, she has an enormous national debt of seven hundred millions of pounds sterling and a diurnal expenditure of a million of dollars, which↓ while we are whining about a want of resources, would in six short weeks wipe off the whole public debt of the United States!

Will these millstones sink her? Will they subject her to the power of France No, sirt burst the bubble to-morrow + destroy the fragile basis on which her public credit stands, the single word confidence sponge out her national debt+revolutionize her governmentcut the throats of all her royal family and dreadful as would be the process, she would rise with renovated vigor/from the fall, land present to her enemy a more imposing, irresistible front than ever. No, sir, |Great Britain can never be subjugated by France; the genius of her institutions; the genuine, game-cock, bull-dog spirit of her people will lift her head above the waves! long after the dynasty of Bonaparte, the ill-gotten power of France, collected by perfidy, plunder and usurpation, like the unreal image of old, composed of clay, and of iron, and of brasș, and of silver, and of gold, shall have crumbled into atoms./

As Great Britain wrongs us, I would fight her. Yet I should be worse than a barbarian, did I not rejoice that the sepulchres of our forefathers, which are in that country, would remain unsacked, and their coffins rest undisturbed by the unhallowed rapacity] of the Goths and Saracens of modern Europe.

LLOYD

ON CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.

THIS paper, gentlemen, insists upon the necessity of emancipating the Catholics of Ireland, and that is charged as part of the libel. If they had waited another year—if they had kept this prosecution impending for another year-how much would remain for a jury to

decide upon, I should be at a loss to discover. It seems as if the progress of public information were eating away the ground of the prosecution. Since the commencement of the prosecution, this part of the libel has unluckily received the sanction of the legislature. In that interval, our catholic brethren have obtained that admission which it seems it was a libel to propose. In what way to account for this, I am really at a loss. Have any alarins been occasioned by the emancipation of our Catholic brethren? Has the bigoted malignity of any individual been crushed? or has the stability of the government, or that of the country, been weakened? or is one million of subjects stronger than four millions? Do you think that the benefit they have received, should be poisoned by the sting of vengeance ? If you think so, you must say to them, “You have demanded emancipation, and you have got it; but we abhor your persons, we are outraged at your success, and we will stigmatize, by a criminal prosecution, the adviser of that relief which you have obtained from the voice of your country." I ask you, do you think, as honest men, anxious for the public tranquillity, conscious that there are wounds not yet completely cicatrized, that you ought to speak this language at this time, to men who are too much disposed to think, that in this very emancipation, they have been saved from their own parliament, by the humanity of their sovereign? Or do you wish to prepare them for the revocation of these improvident concessions? Do you think it wise or humane, at this moment, to insult them, by sticking up in a pillory, the man who dared to stand forth as their advocate? I put it to your oaths; do you think, that a blessing of that kind—that a victory obtained by justice over bigotry and oppression - should have a stigma cast upon it, by an ignominious sentence upon men bold and honest enough to propose that measure? to propose the redeeming of religion from the abuses of the church, the reclaiming of three millions of men from bondage, and giving liberty to all who had a right to demand it; giving, I say, in the so much censured words of this paper, giving " Universal Emancipation!" I speak in the spirit of the British law, which makes liberty commensurate with, and inseparable from, British soil: which proclaims, even to the stranger and sojourner the

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moment he sets his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius of Universal Emancipation. No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no matter what complexion incompatible with freedom, an Indian or an African sun may have burned upon him; no matter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of slavery; the first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the God sink together in the dust; his soul walks abroad in her own majesty: his body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled, by the irresistible genius of Universal Emancipation.

CURRAN.

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE LIVES AND SERVICES OF JOHN ADAMS AND THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Delivered in Faneuil Hall, Boston, August 2nd, 1826.

IN July, 1776, the controversy had passed the stage of argument. An appeal had been made to force, and opposing armies were in the field. Congress, then was to decide, whether the tie, which had so ong bound us to the parent state, was to be severed at once, and severed for ever. All the colonies had signified their resolution to abide by this decision, and the people looked for it with the most intense anxiety. And surely, fellow-citizens, never, never were men called to a more important political deliberation. If we contemplate it from the point where they then stood, no question could be more full of interest; if we look at it now, and judge of its importance by its effects, it appears in still greater magnitude.

Let us, the, bring before us the assembly which was about to decide a question thus big with the fate of empire. Let us open the doors and look in upon their deliberations. Let us survey the