without the authority of law. These definitions have never changed, and will serve to characterize the acts of John Brown which we give. He was a native of Connecticut, once a resident of New York, and in 1859 a citizen of Kansas, where he had been an abolition partisan leader, and where grave crimes were imputed to him. He resolved to exterminate slavery in the South, vainly expecting that the whole slave population would rise at his call, and accomplish his cherished objects. In 1858 he and his followers held a secret meeting in Canada, and formed a constitution, when he was appointed commander-in-chief, and Kagi secretary of war. Under this British-made constitution military commissions were issued by Brown. On the 16th of October, 1859, Brown, with twenty-two followers, seized the Government armory-buildings at Harper's Ferry, with twenty or thirty officers and workmen, together with some of the principal inhabitants of the village and neighborhood, all of whom they made prisoners. The next morning they killed a negro porter at the railroad for refusing to join them. Mr. Boerly, who attempted to defend himself against the assailants, was shot dead. Captain George Turner and Mr. Fontaine Beckham, the mayor, were also shot dead. Of a military company who came to protect the town, four were killed, and a fifth made prisoner. Brown and his men retired into the engine-house. When the railroad men attempted to take this building, seven of their number were wounded, and two of Brown's were killed. On the arrival of Colonel Robert E. Lee from Washington, with two pieces of artillery and one hundred marines, he demanded a surrender, which Brown refused, except upon condition of being allowed to cross the Potomac unpursued, to which Colonel Lee would not consent. In battering the door of the engine-house, one of Lee's men was killed. Brown fought to the last, and only yielded when badly wounded. Of the whole band of twenty-two men, ten whites and three negroes were killed, three whites and two negroes were taken prisoners, four escaped, but two were subsequently taken in Pennsylvania. Brown was indicted for treason and murder under the laws of Virginia, found guilty, and hanged on the 2d of Decem- . ber. His remaining companions, except Aaron L. Stevens, who

was handed over to the United States for trial, on charges of murder and treason, committed within their jurisdiction, were convicted and hung on the 16th of December.

Was Brown a martyr or a murderer? It is unquestionable that under Brown's direction five men were shot and killed. This was murder, unless the constitution and government formed in Canada were a protection, which no one, except perhaps a bewildered secessionist or abolitionist, will pretend. He clearly was not a martyr. He did not die because of his opinions, but was hanged for committing unquestioned murder. He designed to commit other murders, and was only restrained by enforcing a law, which is common to every State, as well as to England. He was not executed for his opinions, but for his acts, constituting murder in the first degree. It is painful to add, that the Republicans either secretly justified or openly sympathized with this murderer, who had no pretence of a justification under any government or law. When Mr. Mason moved for a committee of the Senate to investigate the matter, Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois, sought to defeat it. John P. Hale, a Senator from New Hampshire, treated the motion with levity and ridicule. On the day he was hung efforts were made in each House of the Legislature in Massachusetts to adjourn out of respect to the occasion, but did not prevail. In many places prayers were offered up and churchbells tolled. He was treated as a martyr, and placed in the same category with Paul and Silas. Churches were draped in mourning. Why all these proceedings in behalf of a convicted murderer? The answer must be, that the Republican party approved of his murders, because he belonged to their party and designed to promote their ends. They had undoubtedly furnished the means that defrayed the expenses, and enabled him to do what he did.

96.-AZARIAH C. FLAGG.

Since the loss of his sight, a few years since, the name of Mr. Flagg has been little before the public. But during his active life few in New York were more distinguished or respected. He was born November 28, 1790, at Orwell, Vermont. At the age

of eleven he was apprenticed to a printer in Burlington, in that State, where he learned that art. In 1811, at the age of twentyone, he commenced printing the Plattsburg Republican, for the proprietors, and continued to do so until 1826, a period of fifteen years, at which time he was appointed Secretary of State by the New-York Legislature. During his connection with the Plattsburg Republican Mr. Flagg's was the principal pen employed upon it, which gave it a wide circulation as well as a controling influence in that part of the State. His activity, energy, and usefulness as a volunteer at the time the British attempted to take Plattsburg, on the 11th of September, 1814, turned public attention to him, and made him popular with all parties. The knowledge and mind which he displayed in his paper induced the Democracy of Clinton County to elect him to the Assembly in the fall of 1822. He took his seat on the 1st of January, 1823, and was again reëlected and took his seat in 1824. In that body he took a distinguished part in the attempted legislation in relation to changing the electoral law, in which he displayed great readiness in debate and tact in legislative proceedings. In the Assembly he was made a leader by his Democratic friends, whom they cheerfully followed. A bill changing the electoral law, taking the appointment from the Legislature, and conferring the election upon the people, had passed the House, but was lost in the Senate in consequence of that body not being able to agree upon the questions whether it should require a majority to elect, and whether the election should be by districts, or by general ticket. Being unable to agree upon these questions the Senate had postponed the subject indefinitely, and the Legislature adjourned. Governor Yates convened the Legislature by proclamation, and submitted the subject to them again. Mr. Flagg denied that any such emergency had occurred as authorized the call, and thereupon moved a concurrent resolution of adjournment, which passed both Houses. This called down upon him the wrath of the Clay and Adams men of the country. Abuse in every form was heaped upon him. But he was right, and Governor Yates was clearly wrong. The Legislature had acted upon the electoral law questions before they adjourned, and he had no right to con

vene them to reconsider and act upon them again. The questions were not new, but old, and had been disposed of.

The talent exhibited by Mr. Flagg while in the Assembly, and his faithful adherence to Democratic principles induced the Democrats in the Legislature to elect him Secretary of State at the winter session of 1826. The duties of this office he performed to the entire satisfaction of those who conferred it, and without complaint from his political adversaries. He was reëlected in 1829, without opposition, and again, in 1832. At this time, the Secretary of State was ex-officio Superintendent of Common Schools. His reports as Secretary of State, if collated, would make many volumes. Each required his personal attention. They were characterized by brevity and clearness, rendering them the more convenient and useful.

On the 11th of January, 1833, Silas Wright, who was then Comptroller, was elected United States Senator, and Mr. Flagg succeeded him as Comptroller. He was reëlected February 1, 1836, and served until the 4th of February, 1839. On the 10th of that month he was commissioned postmaster at Albany, by Mr. Van Buren, which office he held until May 1, 1841, when he was removed under the Harrison administration, by Francis Granger, then Postmaster-General. After this removal he was connected with a paper published in Albany, called The Rough-Hewer. On the 7th of February, 1842, Mr. Flagg was again elected Comptroller, and reëlected February, 1845. The number of reports made by Mr. Flagg, as Comptroller, amounts to many hundreds, and are of the highest value. The truths and principles then developed are applicable to the present day. It was he who first called the attention of the public to the State and municipal debts, contracted or authorized. This document produced very great effect upon the public mind. Neither his accuracy nor integrity was ever called in question. Whenever he wrote or acted, he followed the dictates of honest and just intentions.

The last official position held by Mr. Flagg was that of Comptroller of the city of New York, where he fully sustained his rep. utation for industry, fidelity, and unflinching firmness. Owing to impaired sight, he declined further official duties.

Mr. Flagg seemed to have an intuitive knowledge of financial matters. All classes placed implicit confidence in his ability and integrity, and, in the worst of times, relied upon him as a safe pilot. When it was necessary for the State to borrow money, and he made the call, giving assurances as to the result, he commanded the resources of the State, from the spinster loaning a hundred dollars, to the capitalist lending his half million. Neither his judgment nor promises ever failed. Although not a lawyer by profession, Governor Wright considered him the best constructionist of statutes he ever saw.

When Mr. Polk become President, he tendered to Governor Wright the place of Secretary of the Treasury, and requested, if he did not accept, that he should recommend a suitable man. The Governor declined, and unhesitatingly recommended Mr. Flagg. Why he was not appointed, is a matter outside of our present purposes. Suffice it to say, that it was not on the ground of doubtful fitness for the place, nor on account of any thing said or done by him. Mr. Polk made a mistake in not following Governor Wright's recommendation.

In person Mr. Flagg is short and erect, with high forehead and light eyes. His address is frank and cordial with friends, and courteous to adversaries. His memory is remarkably retentive, and his mind well stored with useful knowledge. Although without eyesight, he is well posted upon current topics and events, and is still confided in as a safe adviser. Although nearly forty years in public life, there has never been a whisper against his integrity or faithfulness. His political opinions seem a part of his life, and he cannot throw them aside and adopt others. No extent of interest could induce him to play the hypocrite, or profess what he did not believe. Some who started in public life with him, or joined him on the way, have changed with every popular breeze, and professed every variety of doctrine, while his course has been as true to his early professed faith as the needle to the pole, and he has ever practised what he professed. Such a man is an honor to any country.