tained by Congress and the whole Republican party. These two State organizations had been under the direction of his friends, and through agents selected by him. Notwithstanding all these considerations, these reorganized State governments have been crowded out and supplanted by military tyrannies instituted under the reconstruction acts passed by Congress over the President's veto. And why? The reason is obvious. These State governments were not so organized as to insure the perpetuation of power in the hands of the Republicans. It was feared that a majority of the white people, who knew they had designedly precipitated the war, would not vote to continue them in office. It was expected that, by the aid of the Freedmen's Bureau, and the use of the military power, the negroes could be controlled, and made to sustain them by their votes, which would render their success certain. For these reasons, two unobjectionable State governments, organized under Mr. Lincoln's own authority, and satisfactory to all but radical politicians fearing defeat, and under which the people were contented and becoming prosperous, were crushed out, and all power placed in the hands of those who rule by the sword and bayonet. The wishes of the governed and the pledges of the past were ignored without hesitation in the effort by the Republicans to perpetuate their power. For this purpose they are ready to make deserts and waste places of ten beautiful and lovely States.

Whether this shall be permitted is one of the questions for the consideration of the public. Tennessee, though treated by Congress as reconstructed, is probably in a worse condition than any other State. Her old constitution was amended, and the amendments were so submitted as to prevent two-thirds of the people from voting on the question of its ratification. It is now an instrument of disabilities, instead of one authorizing self-government by the people. Hon. Cave Johnson, in a letter before referred to, after enumerating the various public employments he had held, and stating that he had taken no part in the rebellion, and had taken the oath of allegiance, says: "I thought I might be entitled to vote, and applied yesterday to be registered, as required by the late acts, and was refused, because I had, in the

spring, refused to vote for Brownlow & Co. We suppose, under the law, when properly construed, not fifty voters could be found in this county out of 2,600 voters. Some 300 or 400 have been registered for the election next Thursday-mostly those who felt bound to take any oaths required to enable them to do business for the support of their families." This is the condition of things in Tennessee, where the Constitution and laws were once respected and obeyed. It shows that, where Congress and the Republican party rule, whether reconstructed or not, there is no respect for the laws or security for persons. If every State South were to become reconstructed under existing laws, as construed by Congress and nearly all the military authorities, things would not be essentially improved, and many would be made far worse. Degradation and misery would be the rule, and peace and happiness the exception.

118.-CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUSES.

From the times when the calkers, as they called themselves, met privately near the Boston ship-yard, in Revolutionary times, caucuses under some name have been held to select candidates and concert plans to aid in their election, and without objection. But public meetings are more dignified, and command greater respect. A free and independent citizen has a right to resort to either mode or both. He represents only himself, and binds nobody. In the old congressional caucuses to nominate candidates for the presidency, those attending did so in their individual and not in a representative capacity, and their acts bound no one, nor did they have relation to making laws. Meetings to select candidates to be supported for officers of a legislative body are unobjectionable; but, when a member acts in his representative capacity, and in relation to making laws, the case is wholly differ ent. His constituents elected him to represent them, and upon the strength of his own judgment, and not as an instrument in the hands of others, to carry out theirs. They expect him, if in darkness concerning the requirements of the Constitution and the principles of right, to seek light to aid him in forming conclusions, but not to accept the will of others as the rule of his ac

tion, binding himself to follow it. No one votes for a representative in either House of Congress whom he supposes has not the capacity to form an opinion of his own upon all legislative subjects, and will and firmness enough to act in conformity with it. No one convassing for either office ever gave out that he would follow a leader, or be bound by proceedings of a secret caucus. Should one do so, his hopes would perish beneath a weight of contempt and ridicule. A representative has no right, under his oath of office, to bind himself to obey the will of others, right or wrong. His duty is to represent his constituents, and not other members, who do not represent either themselves or their constituents.

For some years past these principles have been violated by the Republican members of both Houses of Congress. There have been members of that party who have failed to act out their own convictions of right, and have yielded their matured opinions, and conformed their action, to the dictation of caucuses held in secret. Ever since the Republicans have been in the majority in Congress the leading measures adopted by that body have either originated in, or been considered and adopted by, a secret caucus of Republican members, where the rule that the majority shall govern and the minority shall obey has existed, and been rigidly enforced. Men, whose judgments did not consent, have yielded obedience to the majority, for fear of losing caste in their own party, and being left out at the elections. The various Reconstruction Bills, the Freedman's Bureau Bill, the Tenure-of-Office Bill, the pending amendments to the Constitution, the resolution to distribute national arms to certain States, the propositions for impeachment, were all first agreed upon in secret caucus, where the duties were assigned to those who were to be the leading actors. Those most swayed by passion and who are most reckless, not only threaten, but apply the lash to carry their points. There is a large number in the Senate, and some in the House, who inwardly condemn the course pursued, but dare not violate the edicts of King Caucus. Speeches have sometimes been made against bad measures, and those making them forced by caucus to vote against their own specches. An instance of this

occurred when a late Senator from Vermont made and published an unanswerable speech against confiscation, and then voted for it. Several instances are known when the talk was one way, and the vote the other, in accordance with caucus dictation. Under this system, now enforced, members cease to be free and independent, and become the slaves of party leaders, who require obedience. Probably not one of the bills which Mr. Johnson vetoed would have finally passed but for this secret congressional caucus system. Had it not existed, the Union would have been restored without the needless, unequal, and oppressive forms of reconstruction projects introduced through the malign influences of the military and Freedmen's Bureau, which have been wielded for political effect, in aid of Republican ascendency. Ten States, which stand admitted by the laws of Congress, are denied their constitutional rights through the agency of Republican congressional caucuses managed by political wire-pullers and their allies.

119.-THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU.

From the manner of conferring freedom upon the Southern negroes, men who understood their condition, qualifications, and characters, predicted they would not be able to take care of and provide for themselves, but that very many would perish from want. The voice of reason and wisdom was unheeded, and the negroes were thrown upon the world, to manage for themselves, on the 1st of January, 1863, as far as Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of freedom could do it. On the 3d of March, 1865, Congress, admitting that the prediction had proved true, passed an act, establishing a Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, providing a commissioner and assistants, placing the whole under the control of the War Department. It authorized the issuing of food, clothing, and fuel to refugees and freedmen, and the division among them of all abandoned lands; and the act was to continue until the end of the war, and one year thereafter. Where Congress found authority to feed, clothe, and warm the refugees -who were they?-and four millions of negroes, is not stated. Nor does it appear whence they acquired the right to take possession of and dispose of lands which the owners did not choose

to occupy. If the latter chose to abandon, it did not deprive them of the right to resume, nor confer upon Congress the authority to exercise jurisdiction over them. Although the States, by virtue of their powers of eminent domain, may become heir to all unclaimed lands, within their limits, the national Government possesses no such power. Even States cannot enforce their claim until officially found-judicially found by a jury-to belong to the State government. The right of eminent domain cannot possibly exist in favor of both the national and State Governments at the same time. It existed in the latter before the former was created, and was not surrendered by the Constitution. There is not even the show of a law to confer it. It would be void if there were. Then, Congress had no power to authorize this Bureau to seize abandoned lands.

The Constitution nowhere authorizes the raising of revenue for the purpose of feeding, clothing, and warming persons not employed in the service of the Government. It might be humane to dispense charity, but that instrument has not authorized the Government under it to do so; and "necessity" could not confer or enlarge the power. This law filled the South with political paupers, to dispense charity to others made so by the want of proper attention of the actors. These dispensers of Government charities were found willing political instruments of those in power, and urgently sought the continuation of their employments. Congress, intent upon keeping up excitement, and securing, by reconstruction, Republican States with their votes, was willing to sacrifice any amount of public money to accomplish the object. The agents and subordinates of the Bureau could be rendered exceedingly useful in managing public meetings, and in performing local political exploits, and especially in filling the North with frightful sensation stories, easily coined, and cheerfully circulated through the Republican press and the head of the Bureau.

The war really ended in the spring of 1865, but proclamation of the fact was not made until afterward, and the act was about to expire by its own limitation, when a new act, passed over the President's veto, July 16, 1866, extended it for two years, with