"It is respectfully submitted, whether the present is not a crisis of sufficient magnitude and imminence of danger to the liberties and integrity of our nation to warrant, and even to demand, the services of the clergy of all denominations in arousing the masses of the people to its comprehension, through the press, and even the pulpit."

These calls produced the desired effect among the Northern clergy, who then sent in their protests, in which they say, “The undersigned, clergymen of different denominations in New England, hereby, in the name of Almighty God, and in His presence, do solemnly protest against what is known as the Nebraska Bill.” By what authority did they speak in the name of the Supreme Being? But they made their pulpits ring with their political effusions in His name. What was the consequence? It cannot be disguised that our country is worse demoralized than at any former period in its history. Murder, infanticide, arson, robbery, bigamy, adultery, larceny, and every other crime punishable under the laws, are infinitely more common than at any former time. Frauds have multiplied, and intemperance increased. Churches have become divided, many are without sufficient support, and some are unoccupied, while vast numbers of people decline to attend churches as they were formerly accustomed, and wish still to do, because disgusted with clergymen who mix politics and religion. Men going to and returning from church, instead of discussing religious subjects, talk over political matters and concert plans for the campaign. Why are these things so? Although the pupils may be far from good, we cannot doubt that the fault is more with the teacher than the pupil, because with him it is apparent that politics has more charms for him than the Christian religion. The pupil has seen the professedly religious papers take sides on political questions, he has heard his religious teacher advert to them in his prayers and sermons, at his home, on the wayside, often at public meetings, and at the polls of election. Can the pupil doubt that his religious teacher considers politics either as worship, or a part of the Christian religion? Even children draw these conclusions, and act accordingly. The female sex, confiding by nature. and never doubting the fidelity or capacity of their

religious guide, are ready converts to whatever he may hold forth as a matter of religious duty. Add to these that class of men who espouse questions from conviction of right, and another actuated by interest, and we have the elements for forming a strong political party, and the means of pushing party questions to their ultimate results. It cannot now be denied that a large portion of the New-England clergy opposed the acquisition of Louisiana, and its admission as a State-the admission of Missouri, because her constitution recognized slavery; that they entered heartily into the Kansas controversy, and into the abolition tactics that really caused the war, and are now actively sustaining Congress in elevating the negro and degrading the white men of the South. Their active devotion on these subjects produced efforts elsewhere. Ignorant men made up in activity and zeal what they lacked in knowledge and capacity. It is undeniably true, had this class of clergymen devoted themselves to the worship of God and teaching the Christian religion, and left the politicians to struggle alone, we should have had no war-the million of lives, and the thousands of millions of expenses would have been saved

-our character as a nation escaped all tarnish, and the people would be prosperous and happy. It is not assumed that political clergymen designed to produce the fatal consequences that followed their adventures in the field of politics, or that they intended mischief; but that these consequences necessarily flowed from their acts. What portion intentionally sought the wrong, and what blundered into it, no one can tell. But the wrong and the results are before us, and have become matters of history. Evil results will ever follow political preaching-teaching party politics instead of the true and vital principles of the Christian religion. Instead of love and charity, hatred and a thirst for vengeance, have been the fruits of their teachings. We say these things not in anger, or to injure the clergy, but to show them how their acts are viewed, and to persuade them to a more Christian course, as they do their hearers. We have the same right to talk to them-to tell them what we believe to be true-to reprove. to admonish, censure, and advise them, that they have to do the same to others. They have preceded us in vouching for

their imperfections, as they do in their prayers and conversation, and go far beyond us. They are, therefore, not in a situation to be offended with us for calling their attention to their own errors, suggesting their consequences and soliciting from them a change to wiser and more appropriate conduct, to secure the results which all good men wish to attain. We desire to see the American clergy occupy the highest and best ground which can be attained by good intentions and most persevering labor, in the pursuit of Christian truth. We wish them to become what their religious professions indicate that they ought to be. They will then be vastly more useful and happy themselves, and prove a blessing to those they attempt to teach.

121. THE PROPOSED FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION.

The thirteenth amendment of the Constitution had been ratified in 1865, receiving the votes of Florida, South Carolina, Alabama, Virginia, Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Georgia, being all the secession States, except Mississippi and Texas. But if these nine States were not restored, or reorganized so as to act and bind their people, this amendment did not receive the votes of three-fourths of all the States and cannot be valid, and slavery is not forbidden by the Federal Constitution. But we claim they were constitutionally States, and the amendment is valid.

On the 13th of June, 1866, Congress proposed another, called the fourteenth amendment, which was sent to the several States for their action. It is as follows:

ARTICLE XIV.

Section 1.-All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2.-Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons

in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

Section 3.-No person shall be a Senator, or representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or giving aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.

Section 4.-The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized by law, including debts incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States, nor any State, shall assume to pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims, shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5.-Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

This amendment was designed, not only to prescribe rules for the secession States, but to control all others, and establish negro citizenship, and confer upon them the right of suffrage, notwithstanding such State constitutions may not permit it. The object was to strip the States of many of their essential and constitutional rights. The provision authorizing Congress to remove disabilities, was designed to induce rebels to turn Republicans, to secure the benefit of it.

On the 16th of June, 1866, this amendment was transmitted to the several States by the Secretary of State. Tennessee, it is claimed, adopted it on the 12th of July, 1866, and thereupon Congress passed a joint resolution, approved by the President, admitting her into the Union, and her Senators and members to seats.

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Prior to March, 1867, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, and Virginia, ten in all, rejected it. Iowa, California, and Nebraska have not acted upon it. Twenty States have ratified it. This proposed amendment has not been sufficiently ratified to become a part of the Constitution, nor is it expected it ever will. But Congress may, by declaring ten States out of the Union, in order to carry their points, insist that it has been adopted. Failing in this, Congress seeks to accomplish substantially the same thing, in the ten secession States, under their reconstruction acts, by forcing most of the provisions of the amendment into their proposed State constitutions. This is what is being done at the present time in these States by Congress through the active agency of the negroes, a limited number of Republicans, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the bayonet authority. All this is in violation of the pledge of Congress, commonly called the Crittenden Resolution, passed nearly unanimously July 25, 1861.

122.-LATER PHASES OF CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION. Under Mr. Lincoln's plan of December, 1863, Louisiana and Arkansas were reorganized, one-tenth of the old voters being loyal men, and having exercised the power of reorganization. Mr. Lincoln subsequently changed this plan, allowing all loyal men who had taken the amnesty oath, and were voters under the State constitution, to elect delegates to a State convention to amend and alter their State constitutions. Mr. Johnson adopted this plan, and issued his proclamation on the 9th of May, 1865, appointing William W. Holden provisional Governor of North Carolina. On the 13th of June he appointed William L. Sharkey Governor of Mississippi; on the 17th, James Johnson, like Governor of Georgia; on the same day, Andrew J. Hamilton, for Texas; on the 21st, Lewis E. Parsons, for Alabama; on the 30th, Benjamin F. Perry, for South Carolina; and on the 13th of July, William Marvin, for Florida. This embraced all the States, except Virginia, where the old State organization had been kept alive, under Mr. Lincoln's auspices; and Tennessee, where a political convention had proposed amendments to her old constitution,