Leaving an estimated surplus over expenditures of $9,000,000. If there should be an annual surplus of nine millions to apply to the discharge of the principal, it would take some two hundred years to pay the whole acknowledged debt. But already the Treasury records show a large falling off of the estimated income, and a very considerable increase of the debt, while our expenses are increasing, and are likely to continue to do so. Let us compare these expenses with those incurred in General Jackson's time: "Whole expenses in 1833 were $24,257,298.44, while the estimated expenses for 1868 are $372,000,000, being over fifteen times as much, and at a time when we have no war on hand, except a political one. Notwithstanding all the estimates and pretences to the contrary, our public debt is increasing, instead of being diminished. When will this enormous debt be paid? Honesty and good faith require us to pay it, just as honest men pay their debts. But the signs

indicate that it is not the intention of the Republican party to pay. Stevens, Butler, and other kindred spirits in the House, Sherman and others in the Senate, are engaged, with their political friends in various States, in schemes of indirect repudiation. It is to be done a little at a time, instead of by a bold and open movement, not subject to disguise. They fear that a frank and manly step would be promptly condemned, while they seek to accomplish the result by a less odious name, and in a deceptive form. The scheme is to create a currency more worthless than the present, and to give it the same name, as a more valuable one, pronounced as good as gold when first issued, but not having the funding provisions, and to compel the holders of Government bonds to receive it at par. They propose not only to enforce this inferior currency upon those who sold the Government greenbacks, but upon all holders of Government bonds, whether issued upon liquidated debts or subsequently bought at a large premium in the market without knowing upon what considerations such bonds were issued. These demagogues do not propose any time or mode of payment of the currency they design to issue. It is doubtless expected that this currency will become worthless, and never be redeemed, like that issued during the War of the Revolution. Should this course be pursued, would the Government, under any future exigency, be able to borrow money to meet its necessities? Would foreigners lend their gold and silver, or would our own citizens yield it their confidence, or trust again to its good faith?

140.-A NEW DEPARTMENT IN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.

The Constitution provides a government with three departments-legislative, executive, and judicial. The powers of each are distinctly specified in the Constitution, each supreme in its sphere, but not superior to the others. When either assumes powers not conferred upon it, its acts are null and void, and bind nobody. The recent attempt of the legislative branch to control the other two, being unauthorized by the Constitution, is wholly null, and its acts are void. Within the last few years there has sprung into existence a new and powerful department, un

known to the Constitution, which exercises more control than either the Executive or Judicial Department, if not more than all the others combined. It dictates what laws shall be passed or acts performed by the Legislative Department, and what powers may be exercised by the other departments. It acts, but the public is not permitted to be present at its deliberations, or to see a record of its proceedings. It controls the action of both Houses of Congress, and dictates what shall and what shall not be done. Its meetings are frequent, and its discussions protracted, and often not very parliamentary in form. Obedience to its dictation is enforced with rigid severity. No one dares to question its authority. This department owes no allegiance to the people, nor does it admit that it is accountable to any power on earth. All great questions are considered and settled by it without appeal or review. The exact part taken in it by individuals is kept secret, and not allowed to be made public. It dictates the action of committees, determines who shall be impeached, and for what; who shall be members of committees, and what they shall do; who shall lead in the business of the two Houses; whether the gag law shall be applied or not; and how long members may be permitted to talk, or be shut off from talking. In fact, it is the great controlling power over the agents sent by the people to transact their business. It invents and directs the tyranny to be practised by Congress. Disobedience is punished by reading the offender out of the Republican party, and by being degraded before the people. The effort of Mr. Raymond, of the Times, to act independently of the orders of this new department, led to his being traduced and abused, and his reëlection to Congress forbidden. As far as it can, this new department kills off all who are disobedient to its commands. The catalogue of unconstitutional laws now upon the statute-book, and many others proposed for adoption, had its origin in this secret department. Sometimes it is composed of the Republicans of both Houses, and at others of one House alone, depending upon the subject-matter in hand. It embraces the "Union Leagues," so called, and all similar associations, under whatever name they may act. When in session, this department, however constituted or organized, im

poses the strictest secrecy upon all who are present. It dare not let the world know what it orders, or the reasons which led to its adoption. This, being outside the Constitution, may properly be called "the self-assumed confederates of loyalty," or, in other words, THE DEPARTMENT OF TYRANNY.

141. THE SEDITION LAWS OF 1798 REVIVED.

Congress assumes the right to say what it chooses of every person in or out of office; to appoint committees, and send for persons and papers; and to investigate every thing said and done. by others. It heaps abuse upon whoever it chooses, calling them thieves, liars, perjured villains, and traitors. There is no limit to its accusations against those who do not agree with it politically. It questions the legality and good faith of the acts of others, and votes money to have its charges printed in an official paper, and circulated broadcast over the country. This it assumes to be lawful and right. But when its acts are questioned, or its opinions criticised by others, it is deemed a high offence. Two of the articles of impeachment against President Johnson are based upon his want of courtesy toward Congress in his speeches, and his supposed attempt to bring it into "disgrace, ridicule, hatred, contempt, and reproach," to "impair and destroy the regard and respect" of the people; and to "excite odium and resentment" against the laws which Congress might enact. Long extracts from speeches made by the President, on different occasions, are set out, as evidence of his want of respect for Congress; and showing that he had doubts concerning the legality of its acts when ten States were unrepresented in Congress; and that he deemed many of its laws unconstitutional and void. The principles involved in these charges are precisely those of the Sedition Law of 1798, under which men were indicted, convicted, and imprisoned for speaking disrespectfully of Federal dignitaries. The House calls it a high crime and misdemeanor, and an impeachable offence, for the President to speak as freely of Congress as it does of him. This principle, if allowed to take root, and control, will end in sealing the mouths of the people concerning the acts of all public agents, and especially

those composing Congress. There is no law declaring the ridicule or censure of Congress, or denouncing its acts illegal, and not binding upon the people, to be an offence or misdemeanor for which the President or any one else can be indicted. If Mr. Johnson can be convicted, when there is no statute offence, by a partisan Senate, the same rule can be applied to every man in the United States by the Federal Courts. All can be punished, although Congress has passed no law upon the subject. There is quite as much necessity for laws protecting other branches of the Government and the people from ridicule and abuse by Congress, as for the protection of Congress. The Constitution shields the members of Congress for what they do and say, but there is no protection for others. Hence the effort to suppress free speechfree and full discussion-concerning what Congress says and does. That body is instituting the machinery of tyranny to prevent the people discussing its merits, and holding it to a strict accountability. It has already forbidden the courts to review its laws, so as to declare them void if in conflict with the Constitution; and it now declares it an impeachable offence to deny their validity, and to discuss the merits of the body. Little liberty is left to the citizen if this new rule shall be sustained. Congress has already, as far as unconstitutional laws can do it, stripped the President of the power of removing Federal officials, however basely they may act, and deprived him of the command of the army; and it is compelling him to retain in his Cabinet one of the most objectionable men ever holding such a position. Congress is fast absorbing all the powers of the Executive and Judicial Departments. The tyranny now exercised by it exceeds that of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798, which overthrew the party enacting them. Congress now, in effect, says it is a high crime or misdemeanor to complain of wrongs, however flagrant. If it continues its aggressions for four years to come, as it has those which have just expired, the liberties of the country will be swallowed up, and we shall be governed exclusively by the will of Congress-by an unrestrained legislative tyranny, to complain of which will be deemed criminal, and punished accordingly, if it dares order it.