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insufficient foundation, the conclusion was "lame and impotent." They dare not openly become traitors, and the authors of a widespread treason, which would swallow up them and their supporters in the great gulf of crime. They remind us of a story told in Congress of Joe Smashum, who complained to a magistrate that he had been struck by Jimmy Bang. The magistrate asked him how many times he had been hit. He answered, "Thirtyfive times; but if he had been hit once more, he would have made all hell tremble!" With all her hostile and disunion intentions New England did not strike, because she had not received the thirty-sixth blow, but retired into comparative insignifiHer first indications of considerable political life was in 1824, when the man who had laid the crime of treason at her door was elected President to confirm the statement. John Quincy Adams charged that he had full evidence of the disunion intentions of New England. However much it may be covered up by words and denials of different delegates and of individuals in their conflicting statements, it is undoubtedly true that the Hartford Convention was conceived in a disunion sentiment, and became paralyzed in its parturition, and gave birth to a malconformation of hesitation, doubt, cowardice, and fear of the consequences of their intended treason, and its consequent infamy. Jackson's victory, and peace, which have been practically followed with "free trade and sailors' rights," have sunk the authors, parties, and managers of the Hartford Convention, in the words of the cloquent Hannegan, "so low that the hour of resurrection will never reach them." It had its origin in disunion intentions, and sank down and died the natural death of a traitorous, despicable, and arrant cowardice, now despised by every friend of his country.

47-JOHN HOLMES'S DESCRIPTION OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION AND ITS AUTHORS.

John Holmes, a Senator in the State of Massachusetts, resided in that part of it called the District of Maine. He was, in all respects, a superior man and a fearless politician, ready to speak his thoughts on all occasions, whether they consisted of compli

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gusted the perple everywhere. In the gas Sunt & Ney Tis they have risen as per aid ni imel bef 11 YOUT teeth. There is valdiss, bang, mimics te tion, who, I do not hesitate to proclaim, pecke the Feltisi Goren Aimil to oreniny the Cos ment, mokarely cad dï.. stitution, you try to miambe 2 by pretence of ammóment You called it perfect, when you were in poy. The friends of peace, declaring that the ecmary eraill an be kitked in a win forced it on: an 1, falling to repossess themscres of the aimik tration, tried to destroy the Goverment. An unauthorized svå unconstitutional assemblage at Hartford are to change a Constite tion declared unfit for either war er peace, but which you dare not attack openly. The leading paper of your party, whose editor, as a member of this Legislature, voted for the delegates, has openly and uniformly declared that there must be redress, even by viðlence and resistance. But violence is dangerous, and therefore you undermine by alterations. Opposition provoked the war and protracts it. The enemy takes possession of a large extent of your country. Instead of expelling him from it, you appoint a convention to divide the States, unless you are permitted to rule them. The Hartford Convention exploded in a mission to Washington. If Great Britain has not lost confidence in Massachusetts scolding, threatening, vaporing, evaporating, she prolongs the war, but that is all. She makes the war disastrous, and calls it disgraceful, which dishonors the enemy she courts. Amid all its atrocious vandalism, which of you has ever doubted that England is in the right? If there is such a one, I am ready to ask his pardon. You accuse the late President Jefferson of causing the war and defending it. But why excuse his predecessor, President Adams, who still more vigorously defends the war, and whom you

consider ten times worse than Jefferson. You object to defending Louisiana, which all your party wanted to take by force from Spain, to rush into invasion and war, but which, peaceably acquired by purchase, you will not defend. After duping England into the war, you continue to deceive her: you dupe her again by adulation of our common enemy and reproach of our General Government. The war has been as useful and glorious as that of the Revolution, and eventually will be so recognized. But Massachusetts must join it, or all the disgrace will be hers."

Mr. Holmes subsequently served in the House of Representatives, and, when Maine was admitted a State, was appointed a Senator in Congress. His description of the Hartford Convention and its authors agrees with that of Jefferson in his correspondence. The Federalists never shook off the character Mr. Holmes gave them. They took revenge in applying hard names, and by assuring the public that he belonged to a celebrated firm, which they doubtless feared, called "John Holmes, Felix Grundy, and the Devil." Holmes and Grundy objected to the firm only because they said that the third member of it was a Hartford Convention personage.

48.-MR. MADISON'S SECOND TERM.

The presidential election came on in a few months after the declaration of war in June, 1812. The Democratic States, except New York, united cordially upon Mr. Madison. George Clinton having died, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, was nominated for Vice-President. The Democrats in the New York Legislature nominated De Witt Clinton for President, who claimed that he was a better and more thorough Democrat than Mr. Madison. New York gave him her vote, and every Federal State voted for him. Mr. Madison received 128 votes, and Mr. Clinton 89. It was a singular compliment the Federalists paid their party and its principles in overlooking all their own friends, and voting for an open and avowed Democrat. If they expected to create a breach in the Democratic party which could not be healed, they were disappointed. The Democrats were actuated by pure democratic motives, and their measures naturally resulted from them, and

were successfully applied by men worthy of their positions. This action of the Federal party demonstrated that they were actuated by a greed for power, and that their principles had a peculiar elasticity adapted to that purpose.

The reelection of Mr. Madison was an emphatic indorsement of his principles and measures, about which no one could mistake. The people had decided that he had assumed the trae ground, and that he was the trusted leader to carry out their wishes. It was also an approval of his embargo and non-intercourse policy, and a condemnation of the course of New England, and especially Massachusetts. Mr. Jefferson had left him, as a legacy, a line of policy which he had helped to inaugurate. He had conscientiously and wisely pursued it, and the electors had passed upon it, and declared it right. Thus sustained, he felt firm in the line of his duty.

49. THE INVASION, SACKING, AND BURNING OF WASHINGTON, With their immense fleet, when the British were measurably relieved from Continental wars, they could penetrate our waters wherever they were not protected by fortifications. They had evinced no disposition to disturb those who sang their praises in New England. The descent upon Castine had more of convenience than hostility in it, if it did not mean to shake the Democracy of that District, then an appendage of the mother of violence, Massachusetts. Its object may have been to give Federal friends a cause of complaint, in not being protected, although the Federal theory was, that State troops should not go outside of State boundaries, or be placed under the command of the national authorities. It is certain that the Eastern cities escaped sacking and all forms of destruction. But Baltimore and Washington became points of attack. The former defended itself, and has reared monuments that furnish the history of her self-defence. Washington was then little more than a laid-out city, intended to be built over several old Maryland farms. It was the seat of Government, but not the home of power. The war-office was there, but no warriors surrounded it, as in these days. There was no navy there. It was little more than a large village, with public

buildings scattered from the President's mansion to the capitol, a mile and a half apart. Madison was a host in his own office, but knew little of fighting or the strategy of war. Armstrong, then Secretary of War, was looked to as the appropriate man there to wield the physical power of the nation. But he had had no power and but little experience. He was, unfortunately, considered a candidate for Madison's succession, though not "in the line of safe precedents." James Monroe, then Secretary of State, and Virginia's candidate for the succession, had burnt powder and drawn blood in the War of the Revolution. Both were on the field when the British approached through the Chesapeake and Potomac. Strictly speaking, neither had the right to command the army in the field. Mr. Madison went to the field, not as a manager of our forces, but rather as a pacificator among rivals, not for command, but for the presidency. He was cool, collected, and anxious to accomplish great good, all that could be done, not having the peculiar qualifications necessary to secure the result. The enemy sought to approach Washington through Bladensburg, where they were met by such forces as could then be brought to the field, being mostly Maryland and Washington militia. In the battle at Bladensburg, the British were successful, and our forces retreated, mostly into the District of Columbia. The enemy followed up their success, and took possession of the city, and destroyed the capitol, the President's house, and various public. offices, including their records. The President, his family, and a portion of the Cabinet, with some hastily-collected official papers, had barely time to escape capture. Our humiliation was, for a time, complete.

When they had finished their work, the British returned to their shipping on the Potomac and proceeded down the bay. The nation felt this sad blow, but it fired the public mind, and infused new vigor in those wielding the power of the nation, and in the Democratic States. They wished to avenge the atrocity of burning our public buildings, and destroying our records, so essential to the management of our public affairs. It was in gross violation of civilized warfare. But there were those who did not grieve over the calamity. A large portion of the Federal party,

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