upon which this motion was founded," said Lord Hol land, "were obvious: a serious charge, affecting the honor of Great Britain, had been made by the United States government, and it was proper to have it investi gated. The British ministers had been charged, not merely with employing Henry to procure and communicate intelligence on subjects which might be lawfully inquired into, but to induce some of the states of the Union to cast off their allegiance to their lawful government. What would have been the public feeling in England, or the conduct of the government, if, while Andreossi were here during the peace of Amiens, he had been detected carrying on a secret intercourse with the malcontents of Ireland. Who would have hesitated, if such an event had occurred, to have advised immediate hostilities, unless a satisfactory explanation had been immediately offered? And what bounds should we set to our resentment against those who had dared to insult the honor, and to intrigue against the peace of the country. It could afford no matter of defence for the conduct of Sir James Craig, or of the government, (if indeed the government had been accessary to these proceedings,) that the American government had been making preparations to invade Canada; for although such a state of things warranted Sir James in taking all proper means for defence, and in doing every thing to secure the most correct information, yet it by no means entitled him to attempt the seduction of the American people from their allegiance."

Lord Liverpool's reply to the foregoing was a full and complete defence of the British Cabinet from the accu sations which had been thus so unbecomingly preferred against them by the government of the United States. In the course of his Lordship's speech he went on to state, that the employment of Henry, by Sir James Craig, had not been authorised by government; nor was it even known at home that such a person was employed, till many months after the transactions were

concluded. It was necessary, however, to attend to the situation in which Canada was at that time placed, with respect to the government of the United States. In consequence of the embargo act, great heat and damor prevailed in America at that time; that country assumed a very warlike and menacing attitude; not only were defensive measures adopted, but on the 25th to November the governor of Massachusetts received orders to hold 10,000 men in readiness to march at a moment's notice, a circumstance which was quite notorious, and frequently mentioned in the public journals of the day. This army could have but one solitary object, the invasion of Canada; and such, accordingly, was the impression made on the mind of Sir James Craig, which many other circumstances, and particularly the sudden enrolment of 50,000 volunteers by the government of the United States, tended to confirm. Mr. Erskine, the minister then resident in America, had also entertained the same suspicions, and had sent an express to Sir James Craig, informing him that Canada or Halifax was to be immediately attacked. Such were the circumstances in which Sir James Craig was placed, at a moment too, when the separation of some of the states, in the event of a war, had become the subject of general speculation. Sir James had already received communications from Henry, a person who professed to be well acquainted with the sentiments of the people of the southern states; and whatever falsehoods and exaggerations might have been industriously propagated, the object of the governor of Canada, in sending Henry into the United States, was not to excite discontent, but to obtain information, which, in the event of a war, might have enabled him to avail himself of the prevalent temper and disposition of the people in these states.

As a proof that the instructions of the governor, (such as they were,) had reference only to a state of hostilities, no sooner did Sir James Craig learn that the points in discussion had been adted then he cent orders

Henry to return. Ministers had been more anxious to caution Sir James against the employment of individuals who might disturb the harmony subsisting between Great Britain and America; and the motives for recommending Henry for a reward were entirely dictated by a wish to make him a fair remuneration for his services, without intimating any opinion as to the policy of the mission with which he had been entrusted.

After all, at the close of this discussion, both parties were decidedly agreed that the conduct of the U. States President (to say the least of it,) was highly unbecoming and indelicate, to lay the papers before oongress, posse.sing the uery limited inforffiation on the subject which he did at the time, without ever requiring an explanation, or in the least apprizing the British government of his intention; it was therefore said, as no shadow of reason existed for charging the British government with such a mode of proceeding as that mentioned in the American president's message, parliament snould reject at once any motion for interference on the subject; and as the accusetion was prepared against ministers, to leave the ministers alone to manage it. The motion was rejected by a large majority.

CHAPTER X.

America evinces a still more hostile Attitude towards Great Britain-Letters of Marque and Reprisal issued by the American Government against British Property Movement of a strong American Force towards Detroit; Perfidy of the French Government more manifestThe Repeal of the Orders in Council again consi dered.

THE United States government now began to exhibit that warlike disposition towards Great Britain, which had previously indicated itself in so many different ways, with much more violence than hitherto; and it was obvious that the final declaration of hostilities was close at hand; though it was evident that a degree of hesitation and fear was the only existing barrier against this last act of folly and madness. A resolution was presented to Congress, to seize all British merchandize in the United States; to detain all subjects of his Britanic majesty, and to grant letters of Marque and reprisal against British property in general; and it still became a matter of less doubt that these hostile measures of the government of America were but the precursor of resolutions of a more determined cast.

The next act of the American government was to station an army of eight thousand men at Detroit, under the command of a general. The purpose for which it was intended, namely, the conquest of Canada, was no longer made a secret. Many respectable towns and corporate bodies, who had an interest in preserving peace with Great Britain, remonstrated strongly against this last measure; which probably aided not a little to subdue, for a time, the ardent desire so plainly expressed by Mr. Madison and his partizans to accellerate the war.

During these hostile preparations on the part of America, a circumstance transpired which exhibited the political perfidy of the French government towards that of the United States, in bold relief; and if America had not been actuated by other motives than those which she had labored so assiduously to palm upon the world as the main spring of her actions, it would have completely changed the tenor of her policy towards England

Despatches were received from Paris, by the United States minister in London, amongst which was the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees by the French ruler, as far as related to the commerce of America; and however such a breach of faith might shock the feelings of an honest mind, this revocation, notwithstanding it was not received until May, 1812, was dated as far back as April, 1811. That the declaration of the British government, holding forth that as soon as the French decrees should be rescinded unconditionally, the British Orders in Council should from that moment be extinct, was the means of extorting the French repeal, there remained not the slightest shadow of a doubt; and in order to cover the deceit, antedated the repeal to 1811. For two years prior to this period had the French government refused, in the most insulting manner, any explanation on the subject of her decrees, or of their repeal towards America; although, during that whole time, America, on her part, had been negotiating on the subject; and, strange to tell, Buonaparte now, in May, 1812, comes forward with his abrogation of those decrees, antedated no less than thirteen months, and even having reference to 1810, a period of two years previous to its promulgation, when he pretended to have rescinded those decrees as far as America was concerned. Such a glaring insult on the honor and faith of nations was probably never offered by one government to another, and would not, perhaps, have been received by any