« ПретходнаНастави »
Do you not now understand the new intrigue, the intrigue for peace, and why the masters of Germany do not hesitate to use any agency that promises to effect their purpose, the deceit of the nations? Their present particular aim is to deceive all those who throughout the world stand for the rights of peoples and the self-government of nations; for they see what immense strength the forces of justice and of liberalism are gathering out of this war. They are employing liberals in their enterprise. They are using men, in Germany and without, as their spokesmen whom they have hitherto despised and oppressed, using them for their own destruction-socialists, the leaders of labor, the thinkers they have hitherto sought to silence. Let them once succeed and these men, now their tools, will be ground to powder beneath the weight of the great military empire they will have set up; the revolutionists in Russia will be cut off from all succor or co-operation in western Europe and a counter revolution fostered and supported; Germany herself will lose her chance of freedom; and all Europe will arm for the next, the final struggle.
The sinister intrigue is being no less actively conducted in this country than in Russia and in every country in Europe to which the agents and dupes of the Imperial German Government can get access. That government has many spokesmen here, in places high and low. They have learned discretion. They keep within the law. It is opinion they utter now, not sedition. They proclaim the liberal purposes of their masters; declare this a foreign war which can touch America with no danger to either her lands or her institutions; set England at the centre of the stage and talk of her ambition to assert economic dominion throughout the world; appeal to our ancient tradition of isolation in the policies of the nations; and seek to undermine the Government with false professions of loyalty to its principles.
OUR ONLY CHOICE.
But they will make no headway. The false betray themselves always in every accent. It is only friends and partisans of the German Government whom we have already identified who utter these thinly disguised disloyalties. The facts are patent to all the world, and nowhere are they more plainly seen than in the United States, where we are accustomed to deal with facts and not with sophistries; and the great fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a peoples' war, a war for freedom and justice and self-government amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the world safe for the peoples who live upon it and have made it their own, the German people themselves included; and that with us rests the choice to break through all these hypocrisies and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set the world free; or else stand aside and let it be dominated a long age through by sheer weight of arms and the arbitrary choices of self-constituted masters, by the nation which can maintain the biggest armies and the most irresistible armaments--a power to which the world has afforded
no parallel and in the face of which political freedom must wither and perish.
For us there is but one choice. We have made it. Woe be to the man or group of men that seeks to stand in our way in this day of high resolution when every principle we hold dearest is to be vindicated and made secure for the salvation of the nations. We are ready to plead at the bar of history, and our flag shall wear a new lustre. Once more we shall make good with our lives and fortunes the greatest faith to which we were born, and a new glory shall shine in the face of our people.
(New York Times Current History, XII, 1-5 (July, 1917).
QUESTIONS OF PEACE.
A. [$307] GENERAL REFERENCES ON THE
See $$143-155 above. Bourne, Randolph (Ed.). Towards an Enduring Peace. (N. Y., Am. Soc.
for Int. Conciliation, 1916.) Brailsford, Henry U. A League of Nations. (N. Y., Macmillan, 1917.) Buxton, Charles R. (Ed.). Towards a Lasting Settlement. G. L. Dickin
son, C. R. Buxton, and others. (N. Y., Macmillan, 1917.) Collin, Christen. The War Against War. (N. Y., Macmillan, 1917.) Eliot, Charles W. The Road to Peace. (Boston and N. Y., Houghton,
Mifflin, 1915.) Fayle, C. Ernest. The Great Settlement. With maps (N. Y., Duffield,
1915.) Fried, Alfred Herrmann. The Restoration of Europe. Trans. from the
German by L. S. Gannett. (N. Y., Macmillan, 1916.) Goldsmith, Robert. A League to Enforce Peace. (N. Y., Macmillan, 1917.)
(By the Secretary of the American League to Enforce Peace. Con
tains an Introduction by Pres. A. Lawrence Lowell.) Handbook of the War. Special References, $140. Hobson, John A. Towards International Government. (N. Y., MacMillan,
1915.) Muir, Ramsay. Nationalism and Internationalism. (Boston and N. Y.,
Houghton, Mifflin, 1917.) Veblen, Thorstein. The Nature of Peace. (N. Y., Macmillan, 1917.) Angell, Norman. “New World State,” in N. Y. Times Current History,
II, 63-84. (April, 1915). Cadwalader, John, Jr. “The Best Way to Enforce Peace.” ibid, IV, 464.
(June, 1916.) Cosmos, Pseud. “The Basis of Durable Peace.” (N. Y. Times, Nov. 20
to Dec. 4, 1916. Reprinted as Basis of Durable Peace. (N. Y.,
Scribner, 1917.) Croly, Herbert. "The Structure of Peace," New Republic, IX, 287 (Jan.
13, 1917). Dickinson, W. H. “War and After.” Contemporary Rev., IX, 287 (Sept.,
1914). Lowell, A. Lawrence. “A League to Enforce Peace.” Atlantic Mo.
(Sept., 1915). Marburg, Theodore. “The League to Enforce Peace—A Reply to Its
Critics.” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science (July, 1917). Patten, Simon N. “Principles of a Self-Enforcing Peace,” ibid. (July,
1917.) Simons, L. "Neutrals and a Permanent Peace.” Atlantic. Mo., vol. 120,
pp. 190-201. (Aug., 1917).
B. [$308] ADVANTAGES OF WORLD PEACE.
See $8143-145 above. 1. Specific References on the Section. Bodaut, Gaston. Losses of Life in Modern War. (Oxford, Clarendon
Brewer, David J. The Mission of the U. S. A. in the Cause of Peace.
(Wash., Am. Peace Soc., 1916.)
(a) Protection of private property.
(d) Long lives and large individual contributions to society.
(f) Opportunity for emigration and bettering one's condition. 3. Business Benefits of Peace.
(a) Protection of trade and exchange.
(h) Wealth of the United States produced by peace 4. Benefits of Peace to Civilization.
(a) Growth of population.
(f) Effects of peace in the advance of the United States. 5. Aid of Peace to Character and Virtue.
(a) Aims to build up nations and individuals.
(a) Principle of the founders of Christianity.
(d) Gives no play for cruelty and destruction of life.
BY PROFESSOR SIMON N. PATTEN.
How can we build a supernational code that will be accepted as the moral code is accepted-a code that appeals to self-evident principles as does the Declaration of Independence? It will thus be the code of the school, the church and the press, and be as unquestioned as is the multiplication table? The violations will thus become like theft or murder, the sporadic outbursts of individuals suffering from some abnormality. Where they happen we must educate, not punish. If we treat the violators of the super-code as wronged and right the wrong before we strive to punish, fewer violations of this code would happen than of the civil law. It is the failure to see how great principles would work in practice that creates the present confusion and thus makes for race antagonisms.
POPULAR VOTE. 1. The first principle of a code of peace is that all decisions should be made by popular vote. The western world claim