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(c) The Difficulties of Peace. By Kirsopp Lake.

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349

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(e) We Cannot Dispense with Force. By Charles
W. Eliot. [§332].

374

EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

This book is the work of the Committee on Patriotism through Education, enlarged and enriched by the suggestions of many members of the General Committee at conferences at Chautauqua July 2nd to 7th, 1917. As the title sets forth, it is intended to aid speakers, writers, readers and thinking people in general to visualize the present situation of the United States of America and to make the difficulties and dangers of the times clear to other people. Examination of the table of contents will bring out three features of the book:

1. A mass of references to books, collections and magazine articles has been brought together and then classified and distributed so as to fit into the system of this book. This matter appears in Chapters I-III, classified according to subject. In Chapters IV-VIII many of the same books, and a multitude of magazine articles are classified on the general analysis. All the published works there mentioned are intended to appear in the select bibliographies at the beginning of the book, with place and date of publication. Many of those books are referred to in more than one of the chapters and perhaps in several of the sections. The purpose has been, throughout, to refer to books in print and periodicals easily available to American readers. Most of the books are in English. Besides the specific references at the heads of the chapters, many of the sections have also an apparatus of specific reference.

2. Following the specific references in each chapter is an analysis of the subject matter, the purpose of which is to select out the most important elements and events in the prodigious mass of happenings; and then to arrange them in some systematic form, so that the relation to each other of diplomatic statements, methods of warfare and the controlling motives and standards of the various nations concerned may be clearly seen.

Such an analysis might be much farther developed. In the Contents, the sections, marked by letters of the alphabet, A, B, C, etc., and sub-sections, marked by figures 1, 2, 3, etc., are printed at one view, so as to give an impression of the outline as a whole. In the text are inserted numerous sub-sub-sections marked by small letters (a), (b), (c), etc., which still farther extend the subject matter. The main points throughout the outline are covered by some of the adjacent references, either sectional or chapter; though of course there can be no guarantee that every minor point is explicitly treated in a reference as printed in the book. The general point of view of the analysis is to go far down into the bottom of the tangled confusion of motives, declarations and criticisms.

3. The third point in the book is the documents and extracts which have been collected from a great variety of sources and are intended to be illustrations and proofs of some of the most important subjects; for instance, extracts from reputable German writers are used to show the German conception of the State, and of the national duty of Germany to conquer other countries. The facts of the loss of the Lusitania are set forth in the report of the official British Commission which took testimony immediately after the murders. Such illustrative extracts might be multiplied tenfold; and the references will furnish an indefinite number of additional materials. No two editors would make just the same selection of such material; and the requirements of space have caused many interesting and valuable first-hand statements to be left out of the book.

How can the book be used to advantage? The supposition is that it will go into the hands of those who wish to know how to prepare themselves for addresses or magazine articles or to talk intelligently on the causes, conduct and prospects of the war between the United States and Germany. Through Chapter IV "Why Is There War in Europe"-he can inform himself as to the real reasons why such a frightful catastrophe has come upon the world. The roots of these fearful rivalries run very deep. From the French point of view war has been impending ever since Alsace-Lorraine was wrested away by the Germans. From the German point of view was has probably seemed inevitable since the disappoint

SYSTEM OF THE BOOK

III

ment at the conference of Algeciras in 1906. The Turks have been involved in a struggle for existence ever since the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. Austria-Hungary and Russia have been at swords points since the incorporation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1909. Great Britain has faced the danger of war since formally entering the Entente in 1904. Nevertheless the question, what were the motives and cross-motives, the hopes of subject races, the territorial ambitions of empires, and how the world forces finally came into a clash in 1914, is still hard to solve; and yet the position of the United States as a party in the European War must of necessity be affected by what statesmen and leaders of informed public opinion believe to be the guiding desires and determinations of the various European nations. Chapter IV offers an outline of the subject, some first hand material and abundant references to discussions of that topic.

All this is preparatory to the main subject of Chapter V, "Why the United States had to enter the Conflict?" With few exceptions, the American people are convinced that the war is a frightful but unavoidable necessity. What are the grounds for that belief? The book attempts to make clear the manner in which the war has come to be directed toward our principles, our trade and peace within our borders. Without any effort to raise up feelings of hatred or revenge toward our enemies, it is part of the nation's duty to keep in mind the intolerable aggressions upon our rights, property and lives which lasted through the two years and three-quarters between the outbreak of war in Europe and the declaration of war by the United States. The section headings under Chapter V are a summary of the grievances and dangers already experienced and looming up in the future which make war a necessity. This is a fundamental question which every thinking American ought to face. The digest of the subject and the accompanying references and extracts are a means of forming a judgment for one's self and enabling the reader to communicate his convictions to other minds.

The sixth chapter deals with the means of making war and is especially intended to bring into relief the prodigious expenditure of men, food, clothing, equipment, artillery, munitions, airships and submarines that

will have to be made if the United States is to be a real factor in the war. The three main points are: the supply and training of men and officers; the industrial reorganization of the country to meet the terrific strains of the war; and the spirit of loyalty, democracy and sacrifice which alone will carry the nation through the crisis. Speakers, writers and readers absolutely must understand the conditions and difficulties of modern warfare if they are to influence their fellow countrymen in the direction of taking part in the war heart and soul, whether as soldiers or workmen or business men or farmers.

The seventh chapter takes up the specific task of carrying on war alongside allies and against enemies who are thousands of miles away. It deals with the question of applying the resources and the spirit of the nation to the immediate task in front of us, the task of putting men, ships and material into place and organizing them in skilled, modern fashion so that they may push the enemy backward. The Americans have been an unmilitary people and most of their soldiers have still to learn the every-day duties of the men in the trenches, and the men behind the lines who are keeping up the communication with the rear, the failure of which would mean disaster.

Chapter VIII is a summary of the discussions and a guide to the materials on the interlaced questions of Peace at the end of the Great War and World Peace.

A small book intended for the daily use of public speakers on the questions of the war, defence, national efficiency, and the future of the United States has been published by the National Security League, under the title, Handbook of the War for Public Speakers. It is a sister volume to America at War.

How can the materials thus brought together and organized in this volume serve a useful purpose at the present moment? That is the task which justifies the existence of the Committee. The book has come out in the belief that there is an opportunity throughout the country to impress people by word of mouth with the seriousness of the situation, the unavoidableness of the war and the way of salvation of the nation. The news

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